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&LMi^'r^J^>^- 



GENERAL PATERSON 

FROM THE MONMOUTH BATTLE MONUMENT AT FREEHOLD, NEW JERSEY 



Frontispiece 



THE LIFE 



OF 



JOHN PATERSON 

MAJOR-GENERAL 
IN THE REVOLUTIONARY ARMY 



BY 

HIS GREAT-GRANDSON 
THOMAS EGLESTON, LL.D. 

PROFESSOR OF MINERALOGY AND METALLURGY IN THE SCHOOL OF MINES 
OF COLUMBIA COLLEGE, NEW YORK 



ILLUSTRATED! 




G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS 

NEW YORK LONDON 

27 WEST TWENTY-THIRD STREET 24 BEDFORD STREET, STRAND 

tftbc |intchnbocl\cr press 
1894 



t 









Copyright, 1894 

BY 

THOMAS EGLESTON 



Electrotyped. Printed and Bound by 

Ubc Iknicfecrbocfecr iprcss, 1Rcw IBorft 

G. r. Pttnam's Sons 



r- 



XL 



PEEFACE. 

As far back as I can recollect, the exploits of General Pater- 
sou, associated with those of my grandfather, were the subject 
of constaut stories from my father to all his children, which 
Ave were never tired of hearing. We wanted the stories re- 
peated over and over again, and sometimes would not be eon- 
tent without hearing them three or four times in succession. 
Before graduating at Yale College in 1854 I wished to know 
more about these two men, and was surprised to find so very 
few records of their services and to ascertain that they had 
been almost forgotten in Berkshu-e County, Mass., where they 
l)()th had lived. I wished then to resuscitate their memories, 
but the battle of life which had commenced made it necessary 
for me to attend to otiier things. On returning to this country 
on a visit in 1857 I made a search in Lenox, the result of which 
was finding considerable records of my grandfather but only 
a very few of General Paterson.* 

In 1875, being called upon to furnish the details relating to 
both of them necessary for the speech of Judge Rockwell at 
the Centennial in Lenox on the -Ith of July of 1876, 1 was aston- 
ished when all that was known was put together to find how 
meager that knowledge was. I at once made up my mind to 
follow out what clues I had, and to write out what information 
I could then obtain, but it made only a few pages of manu- 
script. Some years later I endeavored to have the remains of 
General Paterson and his wife removed to Lenox, which re- 
sulted, however, at that time, in failure to obtain the consent 
of the heirs. 

' A notice of Major Egleston was published by the JVeic Yorlc Genea- 
lof/ical and JiiofjrapJiical Bccord, vol. xxiii., July, 1892. 



^Y 



IV PREFACE. 

Ill the 3'ear 1886 I put np in Trinity Chm-eli in Lenox, Mass., 
tablets to the meinoiy of General Paterson and Major Egies- 
ton. After they were np and a great deal of public interest 
had been shown in them, I eoinnieueed a series of systematic 
searches in the librariesof New York, Albany, Hartford, Worces- 
ter, and Boston, with a determination to honor tlie memory of 
my two grandfathers in a more conspicnons way, with a satis- 
factory result. I also determined to make another effort to 
have the remains of General Paterson removed to Lenox, 
which Avas finally successful. 

Wlien the work was begun I had no other idea than of writ- 
ing a short biographical sketch of General Paterson, but with 
the inquuy which became necessary, on account of the loss of 
his papers by the burning of his house in 1809, the subject has 
expanded into a book. All that was known of General Pater- 
son at the time these searches were commenced is contained 
in the brief sketch of him made in Judge Rockwell's Centen- 
nial address at Lenox in the year 1876. He had become one 
of Massachusetts' lost heroes.* This will sufficiently account 
for the fragmentary character of the information that it has 
been possible to obtain.! 

If his papers had not been l^urned much more would have 
been found ; but while tlie long and laborious search has re- 
sidted in finding comparatively little, much of this has never 
before been published, and is valuable not only as throwing 
light upon the character of the man, but also as illustrating 
the peculiarities of the times in which he bore so prominent a 
part while he was lioth advocating and defending the liberties 
of this country. His efforts to l)uild up the State of Massa- 
chusetts, and especially his o^m county of Berkshire and the 

* lu July, 1890, Mr. W. H. Lee, of New York, published a paper in the 
Xcw York Genealogical and Biographical Eecord on the life of General 
Paterson. 

t In March, 1892, I distributed among the committees and persons who 
were to take part in the ceremonies of the unveiling of the monument a 
pamphlet of seventy pages on the life of General Paterson. Copies of it 
were also given at that time to the representatives of the Press. All of 
these were recalled in October of that vear. 



PREFACE. V 

town of Lenox, liave also been pointed out. The whole hook 
shows very clearly the high character that he alway.s main- 
tained in the three States in which he lived. 

I have to acknowledge the courtesy of the liV)rarians of the 
various libraries where the searches have been made, and of the 
custodian of the Massachusetts State Archives in the State 
House in Boston, for allowing me access to the books and manu- 
scripts under their charge ; and also of a numl^er of collectors 
of autographs in permitting me to take copies of their papers. 
I am especially indebted to Professor Johnston of the College 
of the City of New Yoi"k, who has not only given me a large 
amount of information, but has ad\dsed and assisted me in 
eveiy way in making the searches that were necessary, and 
has aided me in the re\dsion of part of the proof. I am also 
indebted for the active interest of the committee appointed l)y 
the town of Lenox, for the success of the celebration at the 
unveiling of the monument, and to many others who have as- 
sisted me in endeavoring to do honor to the memory of this 
Revolutionary patriot and hero. 

Thomas ECtLeston. 

School of Mines, Columbia College, 
New York, May 1, 1894. 



TABLE OF CONTEXTS. 



CHAPTEE I. 

EARLY HISTORY, 1704-1774. 

PAGE 

Major John Paterson. — Kemoval to Lenox. — The Lords of Trade. — 
Proposal for a Congi*ess. — The Stamp Act. — The Troops in Bos- 
ton.— The Boston Tea Party.— English View of the Tea Party.— 
The Colonial Charter.— The Boston Port Bill.— The Continental 
Congress. — The " Solemn League and Covenant " 1-28 

CHAPTER II. 

THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESSES AND THE BATTLE OF BUNKER HILL, 

1774-1775. 

The First Provincial Congi-ess. — The Second Provincial Congress. — 
The Battle of Lexington. — The Capture of Ticonderoga. — The Pro- 
vincial Congi'esses. — The Battle of Bunker Hill 29-52 

CHAPTER III. 

SIEGE OF BOSTON TO THE BATTLE OF TRENTON, 1775-1776. 

Petitions to the Provincial Court.— Petitions to the King. — Siege 
of Boston. — Canada Campaign. — Declaration of Independence. — 
March from Canada 53-66 

CHAPTER IV. 

FROM THE BATTLE OF TRENTON TO VALLEY FORGE, 1776-1778. 

Battle of Princeton. — A Standing Army. — Ticonderoga. — British 
Plan of Campaign. — Evacuation of Ticonderoga. — Burgoyne's Ad- 
vance. — The Battles of Saratoga. — SuiTender of BurgojTie. — Re- 
sults of the Campaign 67-91 



\-lii TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER Y. 

VALLEY FORGE AXD MONMOUTH, 1778, 

PAGE 

The English become Conciliatory.— Valley Forge.— The Review al 
Valley Forge. — Plans for the Spring Camjiaign. — Evacuation of 
Philadelphia.— Battle of Monmouth 92-107 

CHAPTER VI. 

THE HATED HIGHLANDS, 1778-1783. 

The Highlands. — Naval Maneuvers. — The Highlands. — Sufferings of 
the Army. — Treason of Arnold. — Dark Days. — Tardy Payment of 
the Soldiers. — Starting for Yorktown. — Birth of the Dauphin. — 
Petition to Congress. — Duties at West Point. — Command of West 
Point.— Close of the War.— Cost of the War 108-141 

CHAPTER YII. 

PEACE, 1783-1785. 

Grippy. — The Cincinnati. — The Lenox Court-House. — Small-pox. — 
Interests in Maine. — Lord Paramount of Maine 142-155 

CHAPTER YIII. 

shays' rebellion, 1786-1787. 

General Discontent. — The State Debt. — Sympathy with the Riotei's. 
— Conventions. — Grievances of the Farmers. — County Conven- 
tions. — The Lenox Convention. — Stopping the Courts at Great 
Barrington. — Stoppage of the Courts at Springfield. — Action of 
the General Court. — Stoppage of the Courts at Springfield. — Or- 
ders of General Lincoln. — The Attack on Springfield. — Action of 
the General Court. — The Insurrection in Berkshire County. — Gen- 
eral Paterson's Letter. — Amnesty Offered the Rebels. — The Re- 
bellion in Berkshire. — Close of the Rebellion, — Pardoning the 
Rebels. — Causes of the Rebellion 156-208 

CHAPTER IX. 

the pursuits of peace, 1787-1808. 

Religious Intolerance. — The Intermission. — The Village Choir. — 
Muster-Day. — The Boston Purchase. — General Paterson in Con- 
gi'ess. — General Paterson's Children. — General Paterson's Serv- 
ices. — Character of General Paterson 209-234 



TABLE OF CONTEXTS. 



APPENDIX. 

PAGE 

A. The Paterson Families 235 

B. Will of Major Patersou 236 

C. Bond of Major Patersou as Paymaster 237 

D. Part of the Subscription List to Build the Lenox Court-House . . 238 

E. Appointment of Massachusetts Major-Generals 240 

F. Defense of General Paterson 240 

G. Revolutionary Diary of General Paterson 241 

H. Ceremonies of the Unveiling of the Paterson Monument in 

Lenox 245 

I. List of Books Consulted 274 

Index 279 

Genealogy of General Paterson's Family Eiicl of volume 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 

PAGE 

General Patersox, from the Monmouth Battle Monument at 

Freehold, N. J Frontispiece 

House in which Mrs. Paterson was Born (5 

Boston and Vicinity 50 

Battle op Trenton 68 

Battle of Princeton 70 

First Battle of Bemis Heights. SO 

Second Battle of Bemis Heights 88 

Surrender of Burgoyne Si) 

Encampment at Valley Forge 92 

Council at Hopewell before the Battle op Monmouth loi 

Battle of Monmouth 103 

Map of the Hudson River — the Highlands 108 

General Patersox's House in Lenox. Mass 14.'5 

Tablet in Trinity Church, Lenox, Mass 22.j 

The Paterson-Egleston Monument, Lenox, Mass 271 



MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 



CHAPTER I. 

EARLY HISTORY. 



The Patersons were some of the earliest settlers of Wethers- 1704-1722 
field, Connecticut. It appears on the records of that town that 
" Mr. James Paterson and Mrs. Mary Talcott were married 
on the thu'tieth day of November Anno Domini 1704, by Mr. 
Stephen Mix, minster." She was the widow of Samuel Talcott, 
who died in Wethersfield, April 28, 1698, a cousin of Joseph 
Talcott, who was at a later period governor of the colony. 
They came from Dumfriesshire, where the family had been 
a prominent one for a considerable period. William Pater- 
son, who was born in 1660, founded the Bank of England 
in 1692, and was a member of Parliament m 1708. He died 
in 1719.* In 1705 James Paterson was chosen "Lister" 
(Assessor) of the town of Wethersfield, and in 1707 he was 
chosen Townsman (Selectman). He was one of " the pruden- 
tial committee of the church" in 1718, and in 1722 was one 
of "the seating committee." Theii- son John was born on 

* It was this William Paterson who wrote nearly two hunch-ed years 
ago: "H the maritime powers of Europe will not treat for Darien, the 
period is not far distant when America will seize the pass. Their next 
move will be to hold the Sandwich Islands. Stationed thus in the middle, 
and on the east and west sides of the New World, Americans will form 
the most potent and singular empire that has appeared, because it will 
consist not in the dominion of a part of the land of the globe, but in the 
dominion of the whole ocean. . . . Then England may be known only 
as Egypt is now." 

1 



2 LIFE OF IHAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1704-1758 February 14, 1707-8.* Mrs. Paterson died on September 28, 
1712. At one time he lived on East Street, New Britain, and 
then in Wethersfleld. Soon after his wife's death he removed 
to the west part of the parish of Newington. In May, 1732, 
he with other inhabitants of Farmington petitioned to have a 
committee appointed " to lay out roads and highways to relieve 
the difficulty of going to public worship." His tombstone in 
Newington, where he always attended church, records that he 
died December 2, 1750, aged eighty-six years.t 

His son John removed to Farmington and lived in that part 
of the town which is now known as New Britain, and was one 
of the tkree families who settled the town. He received a 
liberal education, and was a man of uncommon ability and 
refinement. On January 28, 1730-1, he married Ruth Bird, 
daughter of Joseph Bird of Farmington, by whom he had 
four daughters and one son : 

Mary, born December 5, 1731, at Farmington. She married 

John Peirce of Litchfield on April 18, 1751. 
Sarah, born June 13, 1734, at Farmington. She married 

James Lusk of Farmington on December 30, 1754. 
Anne, born December 27, 173G, at Farmington. She married 
Rev. Stephen Holmes of Essex, C^onn., on January 24, 1759. 
Ruth, born June 16, 1739, at Farmington. She married Jede- 
diah Strong of Litchfield on April 7, 1774. She died Octo- 
ber 3, 1777. 
John, born at Farmington in 1744. He married Elizabeth 

Lee at Farmington on June 2, 1766. 
John Paterson was a very religious man. At the fii'st meet- 
ing of " The New Britain Ecclesiastical Society," " warned ac- 
cording to ye direction of ye law," held June 13, 1754, Captain 
John Paterson was chosen one of " the prudential committee." 

* In the old reeoi'ds the dates are given as 1707-8, which, according to 
the present method of reckoning, means 1708. By the old system the 
year began on the 25th of March. All the records up to 1752 gave the 
date between January 1 and March 25 in this way, or else they ignoi'e the 
new aiTangement and call the year 1707 until March 25th. 

t See Appendix A. 



]MAJOR JOHN PATERSON. 3 

He was made deacon of the church in Farmington in 1758, soon 1758-1762 
after its incorporation. He appears to have been a considerable 
holder of real estate, to have owned some slaves,* and to have 
been a man of great refinement and of the highest probity 
and honor. In May, 1756, as agent for the parish of New 
Britain he sent in a memorial showing the state of all the un- 
improved lands in that township, and prajing the Assembly 
to gi'ant a tax of one penny on each unimproved acre. The 
directions of his wiUt requii'ed that his son should be care- 
fully educated. His residence was still standing in 1863. 

He had shown from boj'hood a decided taste for military 
life, and had enlisted as a private in one of the train bands 
of Farmington, and was very soon selected for promotion. In 
May, 1738, he was commissioned as ensign in the 5th Company 
of the train band of Farmington. In October, 1741, he was 
commissioned lieutenant in the 2d Company of Kensington 
Parish, /in May, 1746, he was commissioned second lieutenant 
of the 4th Company in the expedition against Canada.^" In Octo- 
ber, 1752, he was made captain of the 13th Company of the 6th 
Regiment of foot. In March, 1755, and 1756, he was again 
made captain. In March, 1756, he was "appointed major of 
the 1st Regiment resolved to be raised by the colony to pro- 
ceed on an expedition against Crown Point, and it is ordered 
that he be commissioned accordingly." He was at the same 
time captain of the 3d Company of the 3d Regiment. As this 
company was raised for that expedition, it was disbanded after 
it was over. He was again appointed captain in the 1st Regi- 
ment in 1759, 1760, 1761, and 1762. He assisted in the cap- 
ture of Canada under Sir Jeffrey Amherst, and was with 
Wolfe on the Plains of Abraham. There were many grades 
of military ser^-ice in those days. It often happened that 
persons holding a higher rank in the train bands or in the 
service of the colon}^ held a lower one in the king's service, 

* His slaves when they died were buried on the high ground baeli of 
his house, where, in 1849, during the construction of the raih'oad, two 
graves were opened and one skull disinterred. 

t See Appendix B. 



4 LIFE OF MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1759-1761 as this service was always considered a much higher honors 
and thus in March, 1759, it is recorded that "Major John 
Paterson is appointed captain." While doing duty as a mili- 
tary man he did not neglect civil duties. He was made 
justice of the peace and quorum * in 1756, and held the office 
until 1762. At some time he appears to have held a com- 
mission as colonel, for he is mentioned as Colonel John Pater- 
son, but the date of that commission has not been found. 

He had already shown such military ability, and been such 
a brilliant and efficient officer, that when the French and 
Indian War was threatened he was given a captain's com- 
mission in the British army of the colonies under General 
Wolfe, and served with great distinction both against the 
French and Indians. 

From 1746 to 1762 he was in the service of the crown, and 
was distinguished for his personal bravery, his high sense of 
honor, and his skill in the command of men. He was one 
of the best and most loyal officers in the royal service and 
in maintaining its supremacy in the American provinces. He 
was equally prominent as a citizen, and held many civil offices 
and positions of trust. He was always, as his record shows, 
equally active and efficient in ci\Tl as he was in military affairs,, 
and ready to offer his services to the State whenever they were 
required. The submission of Canada to England did not stop 
hostilities, and in 1761 a fleet under the command of Admii'al 
Pocock, with an army composed of eighteen battalions of 
British and Provincial troops, was sent under the supreme 
command of Sir Jeffrey Amherst, who was then Governor- 
General of the British possessions in America, to take Mar- 
tinique and the other French islands in the Caribbean Sea, 
and as Spain and England were unfriendly at that period, it 
was proposed to take the Spanish West Indian Islands at the 
same time. The army was under the command of Lord Albe- 
marle, who had under him eleven companies of the 1st Regi- 

* This term was formerly iised to designate certain justices of the 
peace, the presence of at least one of whom was necessary for the lawful 
transaction of business. 



JIAJOR JOHN PATERSON. 5 

ment, or 1000 men from Connecticut, 500 from New Jersey, 1762 
and 300 from New York, under command of Major-General 
L^Tuan. It aiTived off Havana on June 6, 1762, in 200 trans- 
ports. John Paterson was ordered to this expedition as 
captain in the king's forces in command of a company of 100 
picked men from Farmingion and WethersJBield. He served 
in this campaign as paymaster.* He went, accompanied by 
his faithful negro London, who was his body-servant. They 
took Havana, but the climate was so fatal that not half of 
the men of his company ever returned. After serving his 
country and his king for twenty-four years Major Paterson fell 
a victim to the yellow fever, and died dm*ing the expedition, 
on the 5th of September, 1762, aged fifty-foui-, and thus ended 
the career of one of the most brilliant of the colonial militaiy 
men. During the whole of his life there was little to disturb 
the relations between the mother-country and the colonies. 
The French and Indian wars kept both fully occupied. Connect- 
icut had her charter, obtained b}^ Lord Clarendon and granted 
by Charles II. in 1662. She had always elected her own gov- 
ernors, and had few of them. George II. only thought of hin- 
dering the development of the colonies for fear of their compet- 
ing with England. George III. had not yet been on the throne 
two years, and was just commencing to de\'ise how he might 
impose on the colonies, when this loyal and brave soldier fell. 
(John, his son, and the subject of this sketch, was born in 
1744 in Farmington, He was fitted for college in his native 
town, and graduated at Yale College in 1762 ; f the year after, 
the order was given to issue " wi'its of assistance," which gave 
to the revenue officers of the lowest rank the right to enter 
any private house to search for smuggled goods, which aroused 
such indignation everywhere ; and the same year that Gov- 
ernor Bernard ordered the Massachusetts Assembly to pay 
fom* hundred pounds which he had expended without theii' 
authority, and which they refused to do. On his gi'adu- 

* See Appendix C. 

t His father directed in his will that he should have a collegiate edu- 
cation. See Appendix B. 



6 LIFE OF MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1762-1767 ation he retiu'ued to New Britain, to the home of his parents 
on the north end of East Street. A few weeks afterward he 
received the news of the death of his father at Havana, and at 
once decided to remain at home with his mother and youngest 
sister, Ruth. He was then just eighteen years of age, and as 
the only son the care of his father's family fell upon him. He 
gave some time to the settlement of his f athei-'s affairs and the 
duties of the estate, but soon carried out his purpose of studying 
law. While engaged in preparation for legal practice he taught 
school for several seasons. His neighbors were the Judds, 
the Lees, the Smiths, and Dr. Smalley, and in these families 
he found pleasant and congenial acquaintances. Oliver Ells- 
worth, LL.D., afterward chief -justice of the United States, and 
Nathaniel Emmons, D.D., an eminent theologian, were students 
with Dr. Smalley during this time. They were both a year 
younger than Paterson, but were among his intimate friends.* 
He commenced the practice of law in New Britain, though 
still teaching in the public school a part of the year. Very soon 
after he commenced practice he was made justice of the peace. 
He was married by Dr. Smalley on June 2, 1766, to Elizabeth^ 
only child of Josiah and Hannah (Warren) Lee, of Farming- 
ton, who was born in 1749. They "owned the covenant" 
January 25, 1767. She was an attractive lady, in all respects 
fitted to encourage the young lawyer and to be the wife of 
the future general and judge, who did so much for the early 
history of this country. She was in many respects a remark- 
able woman. Those times were well fitted to make heroines 
of the women as well as heroes of the men, and there were 
many of them. Mrs. Paterson was always at her husband's 
right hand, whether it was to roll cartridges for the sol- 
diers, to help prepare uniforms to give them a suitable ap- 
pearance, to encourage them to enlist for the defense of theii* 
rights, to receive his friends and entertain them, and to see 
that his household, whether he was a general, a representa- 
tive of the State or the nation, or a judge on the bench, 

* " History of New Britain," by D. N. Camp. 



•*^"- 




REMOVAL TO LENOX. 7 

was always well ordered. She outlived him many years, and 1767 
died at the ag-e of ninety-two, in the year 18-41. 

He soon became distingnished in his profession. They con- 
tinued to live at his fathers old homestead until 1774. Early 
in that year he removed to Lenox, Berkshire County, Mass., 
with his family, his father-in-law accompanying- him. 

There had up to this time been no cause for complaint in 
Connecticut. The people there were keenly alive to what was 
going on in Massachusetts, and waited eagerly for news of 
what was passing there. By the time that the news of the 
Boston tea party had reached Farmington he had made up 
his mind to remove to Lenox. It is not known what at- 
tracted him to the town. It may have been that among the 
people hving there was a General Joseph Paterson, whose 
name appears on the town records of Lenox as early as Jan- 
uary, 1765, or it may have been his desire to be on the fron- 
tier. He became at once identified with the interests of that 
town, and his abilities as a leader of men were soon recog- 
nized. Almost as soon as he arrived he was chosen Clerk 
of the Propriety. 

On March 22, 1774, the following record appears in the 
book of the Lenox proprietors : " Voted and chosen Mr. John 
Paterson Clerk of said Propriety, whereupon the following 
oath was administered to him by Mr. Justin Brown : Wliereas 
you, Mr. John Paterson, are chosen Clerk of the Proprietors 
of this district of Lenox, you do swear that you vnil enter 
all the votes, grant orders that shall be legally passed by said 
Proprietors, in the Book for that purpose, and in all things 
relating to your Office will act faithfully and impartially, 
according to your best will and judgment. So help you God." 
When the town was formed he was elected to represent it 
in the session of the Great and General Com-t to be held in 
May, 1774. He was made a selectman and assessor of the 
town, and was re-elected the following year. 

The history of Lenox is a very short but interesting one. 
Berkshii-e was set off from Hampshire Ccninty by the General 
Court in May, 1761. On February 26, 1767, Governor Fran- 



b LIFE OF MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1767 eis Bernard signed a bill to incorporate the easterly part of 
the town of Richmont into a district called Lenox. It was 
not to be a town, and did not become so until later, as the 
towns were entitled to send representatives to the General 
Court, and the districts were not. Its fu'st town meeting was 
held on March 11th. The two towns held joint meetings 
nearly a year longer. The proprietors of Lenox maintained 
an independent organization wdthin the district of Lenox, so 
that for a time there are three records and for about seven 
years a double record of the town, that of the proprietors and 
of the district. These were generally merged into those of 
the district. Mr. John Paterson was the last Clerk of the Pro- 
priety. He was sworn in, but made no entry in the book. 

The great majority of those who settled the county came 
from the Connecticut VaUey in both Massachusetts and Con- 
necticut, some from eastern Massachusetts, and a few from 
Rhode Island. They were a shrewd, hardy race, well educated 
for those days, accustomed to think for themselves, but hav- 
ing a great deference for authority, paying great respect to 
rank as weU as official position. " Fear God and honor the 
king" applied not only to^'his gracious Majesty" but to all 
his officials. They had a charter; they respected it; they 
demanded that it should be respected. Wlien they had griev- 
ances, to them the proper manner to find redress was to carry 
the matters to the throne, and there they loyally carried them. 
It was only when they began fully to appreciate that remon- 
strances did not bring redress, but that encroachments were 
constantly made on their chartered rights, and when they saw 
them going little by little, that they commenced to reahze 
that their charter might disappear altogether, and that they 
began to say among themselves, " The king hath two superi- 
ors : his Heavenly King and his own law ; " the simple assertion 
of which truism showed how deep the discontent was. Not- 
withstanding this, they loved, as it was their religious duty to 
do, '' the king and all the royal family," and they were proud 
to bear any office under the government of Great Britain ; but 
there was a sj^irit of respect for independence of principle 



THE LORDS OF TRADE. 9 

whieli made eritieisms of the conduct of the government not 17G7 
very dangerous to the " liberties of America/' but a constant 
menace to their loyalty to the king. 

The history of the causes which produced tlie war of the Rev- 
olution is much more easily traced than those which have pro- 
duced revolutions in other countries. It seems at fii'st a little 
singular that a people proud of tlieii* origin and devotedly 
loyal to theii" sovereign should aU at once refuse to recognize 
his authority and demand complete separation from the 
mother-country. The American Revolution may abnost be 
said to be the struggle wliich put an end to the idea that the 
people were made for their rulers, which up to that tune had 
been the prevailing idea of kings and nobles. 

Since 1675 the government of the colonies had been in the 
hands of a committee of the \nivj council known as the Lords 
of Trade. They looked on the colonies very much as the 
noblemen of those days regarded their gi*eat landed estates, 
and on the colonists as the laborers who were working them 
for the greatest advantage of the mother-country. They 
therefore considered the resources of the colonies solely as a 
means of increasing the public revenue, and on themselves as 
the only authorit}- for ordering how this was to be accom- 
plished. It is only when the actions of this body are regarded 
in this light that they can be understood or explained. All 
the governors sent frequent and full reports of every detail 
relating to both public and private affairs to the Board of 
Trade. With the exception of Pennsylvania and Maryland, 
where they were hereditary, and Connecticut and Rhode Isl- 
and, where they were elected by the people, the governors of 
the colonies were appointed by that board. As they repre- 
sented the crown, they on aU occasions assumed the preroga- 
tives of the crown ; and as in those days the peoi)le had Init 
few rights, the governors were apt to take it for gi-anted that 
any attempts on the part of the people to assert any of their 
rights were the assumptions of a stiff-necked and rebellious 
people, and they so represented it to the authorities in the 
mother-country. The people, on the other hand, had always 



10 LIFE OF MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1767 discussed their public business in town meetings and popular 
assemblies, and had had such control over the conduct of theii* 
own affairs that they were in reality the freest people of those 
times. They elected theii* own representatives to their assem- 
bhes, and maintained that it was then* right to do so. The 
governors, however, asserted that this was a concession on the 
part of the crown and not a right. They therefore commenced 
to grant the privilege in some cases and refuse it in others, 
but this created so much irritation that they were obhged 
finally to give up the practice. 

The people were most loyal, but the only representation of 
them made to the crown was that of constant opposition to 
the royal (governor's) will, and hence the entu'e misconception 
of both the people themselves and their acts. They were all 
free Englishmen, and because they were free they resented 
unlawful and arbitrary acts. The governors assumed the 
royal prerogative, but the people, when the governors over- 
stepped what they considered to be then* constitutional au- 
thority, refused to allow them to act, or to vote the necessary 
supplies. As the result of this unwarranted assumption on 
the one side and the constant opposition to it on the other, 
there were few in England, even among those who had hved 
a long time in the colonies, who were capable of understand- 
ing the state of affaii's there, since they were for the most 
part represented by one party only. In England the opinions 
disseminated were of those who were in sympathy with the 
government officers and held theu- \dews of the delegation of 
the royal prerogative. This state of tilings led to the forma- 
tion of organizations on the part of the people for mutual 
conference, and a great desire on the part of the authorities to 
break them up and to make a union of all the colonies under 
the head of a governor-general to be appointed by the king. 

In 1754 the danger of war with the French led to the calling 
of a congi'ess at Albany to present a plan of operations against 
the French. During the sessions of this congress the idea 
of a congress of all the colonies was earnestly advocated, 
but it came to nothing ; only the seed was sown which was 



PROPOSAL FOR A CONGRESS. 11 

afterward to grow. The idea of the government and of 1767 
the governors w^as, that such a union would lessen the expense 
of conducting the government and concentrate the power in 
the hands of a single indi\'idual. The idea of the people was, 
that with a union and representative assemblies they would 
be protected. The government meant despotism, the people 
meant freedom ; and hence there was not only no union of 
purpose, but an impossibility of immediately carrying out any 
plan which looked toward a union of the colonies in a general 
congress in which the interests of all should be represented. 

While the people recognized that from a military point of 
view such a union as the governors proposed woidd be an 
excellent arrangement, from their point of view they saw 
just as clearly that it would break up the local self-government 
of each colony, and they would not listen to any plan which 
would in any way jeopardize or even interfere with it. The 
idea of a union of the colonies was fh'st proposed in 1701 in 
New York, and had been repeatedly before the Lords of Trade, 
but no plan had been suggested which was acceptable both to 
the people and the authorities. But the idea of a union of 
some kind had been more or less a definite one in the minds 
of all the statesmen of those days. The people refused to be 
taxed without their own consent. They declined to vote sal- 
aries and supplies when the government ordered them to do 
so, but the}^ cheerfully voted them when left to their own free 
will. They ^\^llingly agreed to make a contribution for the 
support of the English government, but they declined to be 
taxed to support it. Up to the accession of George III., in 
1760, the relations of the colonies and the mother-country had 
been friendly. They would have been entirely peaceful but 
for the struggles with New France. The people were loyal, 
and the government, on account of its relations with France, 
did not think it wise to do anything which would, directly or 
indirectly, ii'ritate them. Slight friction there was, as there 
always will be among people who are governed from such long 
distances. The common object among the colonies was in 
some way to form a union to protect themselves from the In- 



12 LIFE OF aiAJOR-GEXERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1760-1765 diaus and from New France, but there had been no serious 
cause of complaint with the home government for nearly one 
hundred years. George III. came to the throne in the year 
1760. He seems from his youth to have imbibed a prejudice 
against the colonies, and commenced at once a series of op- 
pressive measures which created dissatisfaction and aroused 
opjDOsition on the part of the colonies. The antagonism really 
commenced in 1761, when the people resisted the search-war- 
rants, denied the authority of the king and Parliament to tax 
them without theii* consent, while they were "willing to vote 
taxes in theu* own legislatures and were glad to bear their 
part in carrying on the affairs of the great empii-e of which 
they were proud to be a part. Notwithstanding the repeated 
assertions that no taxes could be le\ied on the colonies except 
by their legislatui'es, the lords determined to tax them. In 
1764 Parliament voted to raise a revenue from the colonies by 
means of a Stamp Act. In drawing the act the only hmit to 
their measures seems to have been how far it would be safe 
to extort money from the colonies without creating a rebellion. 
Remonstrances at once were sent from aU the colonies ; every 
one of them took the ground that unless they were represented 
and had a vote in Parliament that body had no right to tax 
them. They were \\dUing to contribute then* quota if it was 
requested in the king's name, and when so asked they would 
gladly vote it, but Parhament had no right to tax them. 

These remonstrances were of no avail. Early in 1765 the 
Stamp Act was passed, and was received with the toUing of 
bells and every sign of indignation. Virginia was the first to 
defy it. The people had gro"«Ti used to the expression of theu' 
opinions, and when, on May 29, 1765, Patrick Henry said, 
" Cfesar had his Brutus, Charles his Cromwell, and George 
the Thu-d may profit by theu' examples," the cry of treason 
which immediately followed from the king's supporters found 
no echo. The other colonies followed. There had never been 
any cm-tadment of the freedom of speech, and they were ac- 
customed to denounce oppression. A general congress to pro- 
test was called for the 7tli of October. Nine colonies were 



THE STAMP ACT. 13 

represented, and those who did not come sent then* cordial 1765-1768 
approval. Secret societies, called the Sons of Liberty, were 
formed to resist the law. They burned the stamp officers in 
effigy, they compelled them to resign, and in a few instances 
the mob destroyed theii- property. The stamps were thrown 
into the sea or burned. Lawyers agreed not to notice the 
absence of the stamp on any legal documents. The act was 
repealed. The news was received with all the demonstrations 
of joy. An addi'ess of thanks was voted to the king, and 
every manifestation of loyalty was made, and for two or three 
years there was quiet. But in repealing the Stamp Act Par- 
liament had asserted its right to make laws binding on the 
colonies " in all cases whatsoever," and in 1767 they proceeded 
to tax them, and among other things they taxed tea. 

The people saw another Stamp Act. They had no repre- 
sentation, and they refused to be taxed except by their own 
legislatiu'es. Massachusetts sent cii'cular letters to all the 
assemblies, addresses were made to the ministry, and a petition 
dispatched to the king. Governor Bernard represented the 
movement, which was unanhnous in all the colonies, as the 
action of a few demagogues. The ministry threatened to dis- 
solve all the assemblies who should agree with Massachusetts, 
and du'ected the governors to suspend any legislatiu'e which 
should refuse to vote according to their ^yi]l. 

The king, receiving the petition with contempt, declared it 
an act of open rebellion ; and so matters went on, until a sec- 
retaiy of state thi'eatened to suspend all the legislative bodies 
in the colonies. The colonies received the news "u^th scorn. 
At last the crown determined to send troops to Boston, the 
chief city of the most rebellious of the colonies. In February, 
1768, the General Com*t of Massachusetts addi*essed a cu'cular 
letter to all the sister-colonies, asking them to unite in meas- 
ures to oppose the aggressions of the mother-country, but no 
action was taken on it. Governor Bernard requu*ed the Gen- 
eral Com-t to rescind this letter. Ninety-two members refused 
to rescind; seventeen voted to comply, and at once became 
odious throughout the entire province under the nickname of 



14 LIFE OF aiAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1768 the " Rescinders " ; but some of these men afterward became 
disting'uished patriots aud great leaders in the war. But 
while they resolved " that King George the Third is our right- 
ful king, and that we will bear true allegiance to him," they 
did not hesitate to send such resolves to the governor as made 
him apprehensive of the result. On June 10, 1768, the sloop 
Liberty was seized without a warrant by the revenue officers 
for an alleged violation of the customs, which was not proven. 
Impressment of citizens was commencing to be common. 
Against this the people protested, but it was of no use. The 
affaii' was misrepresented to the English government, the peo- 
ple were declared to be lawless, martial law was threatened, 
and it was decided to send troops to Boston and make an ex- 
ample of her, and to grant the colonists nothing '' except what 
they may ask with a halter round their necks." In Septem- 
ber, 1768, it was announced that the troops were to arrive. 
The governor was asked to convene the assembly and decide 
how to receive them. He refused. The selectmen of Boston 
then notified all the towns of Massachusetts to send delegates 
to a convention to be held in that city in order to deliberate 
about it. Ninety-six towns sent delegates, who paid no atten- 
tion to the governor's order to disperse, and showed how the 
colony could legislate for itself in the absence of a regular 
legislature. The law compelled the soldiers to be quartered 
in the regular barracks, which were at Castle William in 
the harbor, and made it a severe offense to quarter troops 
anywhere else until this was filled. When quarters were 
asked by the commanding officer, he was shown the law. He 
could do nothing, and the soldiers were actually quartered in 
tents on the Common. As the governor was determined to 
have the troops within easy call they remained in the tents 
until it was so cold that the officers were compelled to hire 
quarters at high rates at the expense of the crown. They were 
encamped there seventeen months, aud during this time six 
persons were killed by the soldiers, and this fact was sent to 
England exaggerated into a massacre. But after a trial in Bos- 
ton lasting seven months, all the soldiers who had l)een arrested 



THE TROOPS IN BOSTON. 13 

were acquitted, except two, who were sentenced to only a slig'lit 17G8-1773 
punishment, their defenders being- John Adams and Josiah 
Quincy, so determined w^ere the people not to find a cause of 
offense against the crown. The General Court met in Boston, 
according to the charter, in the month of May. They imme- 
diately demanded of the governor the removal of the soldiers 
and of the ships in the harbor while they w^ere in session. 
This the governor was powerless to do, so he removed the 
session to Cambridge, as they refused to transact Inisiness 
when surrounded b}- an armed force. 

The forbearance but determination of the people, and the 
growing dissatisfaction, made Parliament in the spring of 
1769 repeal all the duties except the one upon tea, which 
yielded only three hundred pounds sterling per annum. They 
recalled Governor Bernard to satisfy the colonies, but made 
a knight of him to show how thoroughly in symjmthy they 
were with him, and appointed as governor Hutchinson, a 
native of Massachusetts, and *a man of great learning. He 
was a sincere man, and had been, previous to the commence- 
ment of the trouble, elected to almost all the offices in the gift 
of his colony. In Stamp Act times he had favored the royal 
government and incurred the bitter hatred of the people. He 
was recalled in 1774. His appointment as governor was one 
of the most oppressive of the many unwise acts done by Par- 
liament at this time. They might lietter have left Governor 
Bernard. The troops remained through the year 1769. They 
led loose Lives. They scandalized the peopl , besides annoy- 
ing them. In September they assaulted James Otis, so that 
he finally lost his reason. In March, 1770, the fh-ing on the 
people, by which several were killed and others wounded, led 
to the demand for the complete withdrawal of the troops from 
Boston. This was done by such a popular uprising and was 
made in such a peremptory way that the order was complied 
with before sundown, and the troops were \^'ithdrawn to Castle 
William. They were encamped f(^r seventeen months in Bos- 
ton, notwithstanding that their presence was odious to the 
people, and their withdrawal was only politic. There had been 



16 LIFE OF ]\LAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON, 

1770-1772 but few collisions. The withdrawal of the troops served to- 
divide the colonists. Many thought this concession enough,, 
but the majority were not satisfied with concessions, they 
demanded their rights. In July, 1770, New York withdrew 
from the non-importation agreement which it had agreed to- 
in 1765, as it was against their interest to keep it, and in July 
they sent orders to England for all sorts of merchandise 
except tea. The letter of the New York merchants announc- 
ing it was received everywhere with the greatest indignation. 
In Boston it was torn in pieces at a public meeting, in New 
Jersey it was burned on the village green, and the chm-ch bells 
tolled. The citizens of Philadelphia wrote to New York,. 
" Send us your liberty pole, as you clearly have no use for it." 
The king now commenced to harass the colonies with vexa- 
tious and unnecessary measm-es. The search-warrants were 
carried out arbitrarily, and when, in June, 1772, the Gaspee 
grounded in the bay, she was seized and burned to the water's 
edge, and the chief- justice of Rhode Island refused to take 
cognizance of it. In August the king ordered that the judges 
should have their salaries paid by the crown, and not by the 
colony. 

In October, 1772, at a town meeting in Boston, a committee 
was appointed to ask Governor Hutchinson whether the judges'' 
salaries were to be paid by the crown, and to request him to 
convene the assembly to discuss this and other important 
matters. The governor told them that the town had no right 
to petition for the assembly, and ordered them to mind their 
own business. Samuel Adams then moved that a committee 
of correspondence be appointed, so that the colonies, counties, 
and towns could advise one another, could consider what 
infringements and violations of the rights of the colonies had 
been made, and then publish them to the world. The governor 
laughed at the resolution, but by the end of the year more 
than eighty towns had organized their committees, and made 
a new legislative body, and as it was always in session, no 
power but that which created it, i.e., itself, could prorogue or 
dissolve it. This system was followed by the other colonies. 



THE BOSTON TEA PARTY. 17 

It was really the foundation of the American Union. In 1773 
March, 1773, the Assembly met and offered the judges their 
salaries, and threatened to impeach them if they accepted any- 
thing from the crown. While the people were in this state of 
feeling the king resolved on new aggressions in the way of 
taxation. The people, who were anxious to live up to their prin- 
ciples and still not go without tea, had been smuggUng it from 
Holland. In order to keep up the failing fortunes of the East 
India Company, the king now proposed to make the tea com- 
ing from England cheaper than they could get it from Holland, 
but restored the duty of three pence per pound, and sent, in 
the fall of 1773, ships to Boston, New York, Philadelphia, and 
Charleston. The agents of the East India Company were ap- 
pointed to receive the tea as consignees. On receipt of this 
news the popular wrath was greater than it ever was during 
Stamp Act times. By common consent it was agreed, although 
the whole country was greatly excited, to make no resistance 
that was not legal. In New York, Philadelphia, and Charles- 
ton, during the month of October, as a result of this unspoken 
but well-understood resolve, the consignees were asked to re- 
sign their commissions on the ground that to act would make 
them enemies of theii* country, and they did so. In Boston^ 
on the 18th of November, a committee appointed by a towTi 
meeting, called on the consignees and asked them to resign^ 
and they refused. This changed the situation somewhat, as 
Boston then became the battlefield on which the whole ques- 
tion was to be fought out. As the eyes of the whole country 
were now turned toward that city, the committee of corre- 
spondence asked for advice. The first of the tea ships arrived 
in Boston Harbor on Sunday, November 28th. The committee, 
notwithstanding their Puritan principles, assembled at once. 
A few days later two other vessels arrived. The advice which 
came was not only unanimous but determined ; from Lenox 
to Boston the only reply was, "Let us give up life and all 
that makes life dear rather than submit to this great wrong." 
From Philadelphia they ^\Tote : " May God give you wtue 
enough to save the liberties of your country." The law re- 



18 LIFE OF ]\L\JOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1773 quired that a vessel should be unloaded "within twenty days of 
her arrival, failing which the revenue officers were to seize the 
ship and unload her themselves. The people demanded that 
all the vessels should go back to England without unloading. 
The governor gave orders that clearance should be refused to 
the vessels, and that if they turned back without it, they were 
to be fii'ed on. The twentj' days were up early on December 
17th. The people were determined that the tea should not be 
landed: the governor had resolved that it should be. On 
December 16th a meeting of seven thousand people was held. 
They sent a messenger to the governor to ask for a clearance. 
When the messenger arrived with the governor's refusal to 
grant the permit for the ships, the question was asked. '■ How 
will tea mingle with salt water ? " which was received with the 
greatest applause, and the meeting adjoui-ned on the ground 
that it "could do nothing more to save the country." The 
people were determined. Then- preparations had been care- 
fully made. When the meeting adjourned, fifty men in the 
dress of Indians went down to the wharves, and, seizing the 
ships, broke open the chests. The stillness throughout the city 
was solemn. It was broken only by the blows of the hatchets, 
which could be distinctly heard, and before nine o'clock of that 
day the tea of the thi-ee ships went into Boston Harbor. 

The fact that the tea was not allowed to be landed was re- 
ceived in aU the colonies with the ringing of the chui-ch bells 
and with general rejoicing. In Charleston, S. C, the tea was 
thrown into a damp cellar and was spoiled. In Philadelphia 
the people forced the ship to go back to England. The colonies 
without exception rejoiced in these acts. They had solemnly 
agreed to do nothing contrary to the law, but the law did not 
pro\ide for such an occasion. The defiance of the constituted 
authority was recognized ever^-where as right, and the neces- 
sity for it was the signal for a general outcry of alarm all over 
the continent. But it was of alarm only, on the part of most 
men ; they had not yet begun to believe that no redi-ess would 
be given by the mother-country, and that they would have to re- 
sist. As yet there was no open demonstration made ; the resist- 



ENGLISH VIEW OF THE TEA PARTY. 19 

ance was determined, however, althougii it was passive. Some 1773 
of the people of the country instructed their representatives 
that the act of the 16th of December, 1773 (when, with the 
sanction but without the direct order of the Committee on 
Correspondence, the tea was thrown into Boston harbor), which 
they and their descendants learned to regard as a necessary, 
bold, and splendid achievement of true patriots, was "un- 
necessary, higiily unwarrantable, and every way tending to 
the subversion of all good order and of the Constitution." 

Up to this time the colonists had been loyal subjects of King 
George the Third, none among them more so than John Pater- 
son. The son of a distinguished and loyal British officer, 
accustomed from his birth to associate with soldiers of high 
rank, submission to the will of his Maker and loyalty to his 
king had been the first principles of his education. ^Vhen, at 
the early age at which his father's family became dependent 
on him, his study of law showed him that unless resisted, 
oppression finally became slavery, his principles of loyalty 
were brought into direct conflict with his knowledge of con- 
stitutional law, and he, with thousands of others, began to 
reflect that if he continued to be loyal he could no longer 
be a freeman. He was still living in Connecticut, where he 
had had no cause to complain, but he saw very plainly that 
what was happening in one colony might happen in any other. 
He was probal)ly then considering the idea of removing with 
his three httle children to Massachusetts. He saw clearly 
Avhat might befall him in Connecticut, and he foresaw the 
position he must take in Massachusetts, but, as the sequel 
shoAved, he had no misgiAdngs as to the part he should take. 

In England the Boston Tea Party was regarded as the culmi- 
nation of years of riot and lawlessness. The king and the 
ministry determined to make an example of Boston for her 
defiance of their authority, and so in its shortsightedness 
Parliament passed the five acts for the lietter regulation of 
the American colonies: First, the ''Boston Port Bill," by 
which Boston ceased to be a port of entry ; second, the altera- 
tion, or rather the annulling without i)reA'ious notice, of the 



20 LIFE OF ]\L\JOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1773 charter of Massachusetts Bay, making counselors, judges, and 
magistrates to be appointed by the crown and to hold office 
during the royal pleasure ; and third, providing that any per- 
son indicted for mui'der or other capital offense committed 
while aiding the magistracy might be sent to some other 
colony or to England for trial; fourth, making legal the 
quartering of troops in Boston ; fifth, making the Roman 
Catholic religion lawful in Canada, and extending the bounds 
of this colony to the Ohio River, in spite of the claims of 
Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, and Virginia to this 
territory ; this region to be governed by a despotic viceroy, 
and to have no habeas corpus, no liberty of the press, and no 
popular meetings. Town meetings were forbidden except for 
the balloting for municipal officers and representatives to the 
General Court, and nothing but voting could be done in them. 
All discussion was strictly forbidden. For the transaction of 
all other business special town meetings had to be called, and 
could only be held on a license issued by the governor, and 
then only for the special jjurpose named in the hcense ; no other 
business could be transacted. Every safeguard of hberty was 
abrogated. The charter of the colony of Massachusetts Bay 
had been a matter of contention almost from the time it was 
gi'anted. The people had been kept fully aware of its value, and 
were sensitive about it, and the abohtion of it was to them a 
much more serious matter than it would ordinarily be. The 
charter was originally granted, as a colonial one, on March 4, 
1629, by King Charles II. No one ever knew why he granted 
it. His hatred of the Puritans is well known, and it is sur- 
mised that he gave it to facilitate their leaving the country. 
The large emigration to New England, consequent upon so 
favorable a charter, could not fail to attract attention. It was 
reported to him that the people emigrating were all " persons 
known to be ill-affected and discontented as well with the 
civil as ecclesiastical government." On February 21, 1634, 
this excited alarm. The vessels, filled -w-ith emigrants, were 
stopped, and the representatives of the company ordered by 
the Privy Council to produce and surrender the charter,. 



THE COLONIAL CHARTER. 21 

but it had been sent to New England in 1630 in charge of 1773 
Governor John Winthrop, and could not be produced. The 
order was sent to Governor Winthrop, and reached him in 
July, at which time he was no longer governor. Governoi* 
Dudley (who had been elected a few months before) and his 
Assistants resolved to delay, and then began a struggle for the 
possession of the charter which lasted fifty-two years. In 
1635 the charter was declared void by default, as no one ap- 
peared in the suit against the Massachusetts Bay Company 
brought in the Court of the King's Bench. The company, 
however, paid no attention to the decree. On the 4th of 
April, 1638, the Board of Lords Commissioners wi'ote to Gov- 
ernor Winthrop demanding peremptorily the immediate sur- 
render of the charter, and ordering him to send it back on 
the return voyage of the ship which took out the order, under 
the penalty that unless the order was complied with they 
^' will move his majesty to resume into his hands the whole 
plantation." The order reached Governor Winthrop in the 
early summer of 1638, and he determined to procrastinate. 
The General Court did not meet until September. Wlien they 
did meet they refused to send it back on the ground that if sent 
back it would be surrendered, and that they would then have 
to accept any governor sent out instead of electing their own. 
They sent a petition, which, to their surprise, was well re- 
ceived, and after that King Charles II. had other things to 
think of, and the whole matter was forgotten. In 1686 the 
colonial charter was brought to light again, and was vacated 
by the English courts, and for five years the colony was with- 
out any. In 1691 William and Mary granted the provincial 
charter, which the acts of Parliament had just repealed. They 
had lived fifty-three years under their present charter, but the 
old controversy had not been forgotten, and these acts of Parlia- 
ment revived the bitterness of the old discussion, which only 
made the present acts more unendurable. They roused the 
dissatisfaction which was everywhere felt into the most free 
and open expressions of indignation. The injustice of taxa- 
tion without representation, and of the enactments of the 



22 LIFE OF ]NL\JOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1774 incorporation of towns "without the right of sending a rep- 
resentative to the Genei-al Court, were most emphatically de- 
nounced throughout Berkshire County and in the Province 
of Massachusetts Bay generally. 

Governor Hutchinson was superseded by General Gage. 
He had said that with four regiments he could subdue the 
colonies ; and these were given him, and he was instructed not 
only to close the port of Boston, but to frighten the people 
into submission by arresting on the 1st of June all the leaders 
of the patriots, and to order the soldiers to fli'e on the people 
wherever and whenever he thought they were asserting them- 
selves too much. AH these acts were in utter defiance of every 
principle of justice which had always been held sacred by 
Anglo-Saxons, but they were accepted by George the Third, 
as he said himself, '^ with supreme satisfaction." He was sure 
that the Americans were a set of cowards who w^ould not fight, 
and would give in after a few demonstrations. His three 
years' experience of them ought to have taught him better. 
As soon as the other colonies heard that the charter of Massa- 
chusetts was annulled, they felt that the same thing might 
happen to them, and they made common cause with that 
colony. 

The news of the Boston Port Bill reached Boston on the 
10th of May, 1774, and it changed the whole face of affairs, 
for practically all the liberties of the people were then taken 
away and placed in the hands of the governor ; and it seems 
as if ahnost by inspiration the majority of the people through- 
out the province were filled with but one feeling, and that was 
resentment and determination to resist. Marblehead, which 
was selected to take the place of Boston as a port of entry, 
invited the merchants of that city to use their wharves and 
warehouses free of charge. On May 12th the Committee of 
Correspondence met in Faneuil HaU and sent a circular letter 
to aU the other colonies, asking for sympathy and co-operation. 
In the course of the summer responses were made by nearly 
every one of the colonies, asserting that Boston was suffering 
in the common cause. Supplies of all kinds were sent to that 



THE BOSTON PORT BILL. 23 

city as gifts, to enable them to endure the loss of their com- 1774 
merce. The acts of Parliament were printed and circulated 
with deep black borders, and in many towns were publicly 
burned by the common hangman. 

The Boston Port Bill went into effect on June 1, 1774. On 
the same day Governor Hutchinson sailed in the Miiierca for 
England. From that day on, the authority of the king and 
Parliament was never again recognized by the people of Mas- 
sachusetts. They held that as all governments are only pos- 
sible by and with the consent of the governed, and as theii- 
charter had been illegally and without theu* consent annulled, 
they had by this fact lapsed into a state of nature, and that a 
new government could now only be made l)y the free vote of 
the majority of the peoiile. The royal governors held, on the 
contrary, that the people had now no rights whatever, and 
acted accordingly. June 1st was observed throughout the 
whole country as a day of humiliation, fasting, and prayer. 
It was ushered in by the tolling of muffled bells, the flags 
were put at half-mast, and the churches were open for solemn 
services. These services Washington, who was then at Wil- 
liamsburg, Va., attended. The war which Parliament virtually 
declared when it annulled the charter of Massachusetts did not 
break out until the orders came to arrest Adams and Hancock. 
The attempt of the troops to seize them resulted in the bat- 
tles of Lexington and Concord in 1775 and the Declaration of 
Independence in 1776. In Massachusetts the different coun- 
ties held congresses of deputies sent from their towns to con- 
sider " the alarming state of public affairs," and resolved to 
" preserve their chartered rights against the aggi'ession of the 
acts of Parliament," " for the better regulation of the govern- 
ment of Massachusetts Bay and the impartial administration 
of justice in the same." The people determined to administer 
their own government, and commenced to arm themselves in 
the face of the royal governors and in the teeth of their 
orders. Among the very first of these congresses was the 
Berkshire Convention, to which John Paterson, who had very 
earlv in the vear 1774 moved into Massachusetts, was sent as 



24 LIFE OF JLJlJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1774 a delegate from Lenox. It convened at Stockbridg-e July 6, 
1774, and continued in session two days. The Worcester Con- 
gress met on August 9tli, but did not reach decisive action 
until the 30th. AU the towns in the county then incorporated, 
except two, were represented. But something more was nec- 
essary than the expression of sympathy, for it was evident 
that what could be done in one colony could be done in an- 
other, and to resist it concerted action was necessary. The 
Sons of Liberty in New York immediately proposed a Conti- 
nental Congress. The proposition was at once taken up. 

The governor had convened the Massachusetts Assembly 
for the 7th of June, and it was then in session at Salem. On 
the 17th of June Samuel Adams, ha\'ing previousl}- locked 
the door to prevent interference, proposed the election of 
delegates to a Continental Congress to meet in Philadelphia 
on September 1st, which was done. Before the proceedings 
were finished the governor heard of it, and sent his secretary 
with a writ dissolving the assembly ; but the door was locked 
and no one would open it, so he had to content himself with 
reading the writ to the crowd outside. In the meantime the 
assembly went on with their work. They appointed delegates 
to the Congress, they assessed the towns for the necessary ex- 
penses, and adjourned sine die before the governor could dis- 
solve them. All the other colonies except Georgia sent dele- 
gates to this Continental Congress, and she promised to do 
what was determined by it. Before the Congress met Mas- 
sachusetts had set the annulling of the charter and the power 
of the king at defiance ; for when, on the 16th of August, 
the court was to meet at Great Barrington, 1500 unarmed 
men assembled at the court-house, and so completely filled 
and surrounded it that when the judges arrived to hold 
coiu't they could not enter the building, and the people both 
inside and out refused to make way for them. Two of the 
king's mandamus councilors declined to act, and the others 
were forced to resign. The example set in Berkshire County 
was followed throughout the province, and was everywhere 
successful. The king's court could not sit anywhere in the 



THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS. 25 

province except where it was under the immediate protection 1774 
of the royal troops. As these phices became fewer and fewer 
it happened at last that they were finally all snppressed, so 
that the courts closed in 1774 by crowding' the judges out of 
their places, were not again opened until they were recon- 
structed under the constitution of the State in 1780. The 
people assembled in town meetings in the presence of both the 
soldiers and the governor, and when he threatened them they 
commenced to collect ammunition. On a false rumor that the 
soldiers had fired on the people, 20,000 men, in less than forty- 
eight hours, marched toward Boston, and went quietly l)ack to 
their homes when the rumor proved to be unfounded. The 
Oontinental Congress assembled in Philadelphia, September 5, 
1774. They prepared an address to the jjeople of Great Brit- 
ain and all of the colonies, drew up a declaration of rights, 
asserting that the colonies could only be taxed by themselves, 
approved what had been done by the county conventions, ap- 
pointed May 11, 1775, for a second Congress, in which Canada 
and Florida were invited to join, and adjourned on October 
26th. On February 1st Lord Chatham introduced a resolu- 
tion into Parliament which would have avoided the wai-, re- 
pealing the oi)pressive measures, and renouncing the right of 
taxation ; but it was voted down by large majorities in both 
Houses, and the war then became ineidtable. 

Immediately after the news of the Boston Port Bill the 
Assembly of Virginia, which had been dissolved by the gov- 
ernor but was still sitting, ordered the Committee on Corre- 
spondence to communicate mth the other colonies of British 
America with regard to the expediency of appointing deputies 
from the several colonies to meet annually in a general con- 
gress, to deliberate on such measures as the united interests 
of the colonies might require. The Boston Gazette of June 
20th says : " The aspect of affairs is highly favorable, . . . 
the whole continent seeming inspired hy one soul, and that a 
\dgorous and determined one." This unanimity Avas owing to 
the constant interchange of thought and opinion made pos- 
sible by the proceedings of the conventions and congi-esses. 



26 LIFE OF 3L\J0R-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1774 County conventions were held in the Province of Massachu- 
setts Bay in the year 1774, especially the notable one at 
Stockbi'idg'e in the county of Berkshire on the 6th of July 
of that year. It was composed of " sixty gentlemen deputies/^ 
who, feeling deeply the forbidding of the manufacture of raw 
materials found so abundantly in the province, adopted the 
" Solemn League and Covenant." It had ah-eady been adopted 
in Boston. It was also signed by a large majority of the 
people of all the towns and counties in the province and 
some of the other colonies, and was rigorously adhered to. 
It had for its object to prevent the use by the colonists of ar- 
ticles imported from G-reat Britain. To the Berkshire Conven- 
tion John Paterson was sent as a delegate from Lenox. He 
not only signed the " Solemn League and Covenant " hiniself,^ 
but was one of the most active in procuring signatures to it. 
On the 14th of July, 1774, the resolutions adopted by the 
Berkshu'C Convention were signed by one hundred and ten 
citizens of Lenox at the instigation of their deputies. These 
resolutions and the " Solemn League and Covenant" were the 
basis of the principles upon which the Revolution was made^ 
and they became in a few weeks as familiar to all the people 
as household words. 

The text of the " Solemn League and Covenant "is given below 
in fuU. 

SOLEMN LEAGUE AND COVENANT. 

Whei-eas the Parliament of Great Britain have of late undertaken to- 
give and gi'ant away oui' money without our knowledge and consent ; and 
in order to compel us to a servile submission to the above measures have- 
proceeded to block up the harbor of Boston ; also have vacated, or are 
about to vacate, the charter, and repeal certain laws of this province here- 
tofore enacted by the General Court, and confirjned by the king and his 
predecessors ; therefore, as a means to obtain a speedy redress of the 
aforesaid grievances, we do, solemnly and in good faith, covenant and 
engage with each other : 

I. That we will not import, purchase, or consume, or suffer any person 
by, or for, us to import, purchase, or consume in any manner whatever, 
any goods, wares, or merchandise which shall arrive in America from 
Great Britain from and after the first day of October, 1774, or such other 
time as shall be agreed upon by the American Congress, nor any goods. 



THE " SOLEMN LEAGUE AND COVENANT." 27 

wMeh shall be ordered from thence, after this day, until our chartered 1774, 
and constitutional rights shall be restored, or until it shall be determined 
by the major part of our brethren in this and the neighboring colonies 
that a non -importation and non-consumption agi-eement will not have a 
tendency to effect the desired end, or until it shall be apparent that a non- 
importation and non-consumption agreement will not be entered into by 
a majority of this and the neighboring colonies ; except such articles as 
the said General Congress of North America shall agree to import, pur- 
chase, or consume. 

II. We do further convenant and agi'ee, that we will observe the most 
strict obedience to all constitutional laws and authority, and will at all 
times exert ourselves to the utmost for the discouragement of all licen- 
tiousness and suppression of all mobs and riots. 

III. We will all exert ourselves, as far as in us lies, in promoting love, 
peace, and unanimity among each other ; and for that end we engage to 
avoid all unnecessary lawsuits. 

IV. As a strict and proper adherence to the present agi-eement will, if 
not seasonably provided against, involve us in many difficulties and incon- 
veniences ; we do promise and agree that we will take the most prudent 
care for the raising and preserving sheep for the manufacturing of all such 
cloths as shall be most useful and necessary ; for the raising of flax and 
manufacturing of linens. Further, that we will, by every prudent method, 
endeavor to guard against all those inconveniences which may otherwise 
arise from the foregoing agi-eement. 

V. That, if any person shall refuse to sign this or a similar convenant, 
or if, after signing it, shall not adhere to the real intent and meaning 
thereof, he or they shall be treated with that neglect justly deserved. 

VI. That if this or a similar convenant shall after the tii-st day of August 
next be offered to any trader or shopkeeper in this county, and he or they 
shall refuse to sign the same, for the space of forty-eight hours, that we 
will not, from thenceforth, purchase any article of British manufactm-es, 
from him or them, until such time as he or they shall sign this or a similar 
covenant. 



This covenant was the result of a wonderful uprising of 
popular spirit in an age when the ordinary acts of the Eng- 
lish government were generally quietly acquiesced in, but were 
such as are now considered not only despotic but arbitrary. 
The county of Berkshire, which up to 1761 had been a part of 
Hampshire County, of which Sheffield was one of the largest 
towns, was filled by just such a spirit. The town of Lenox 
was incorporated in 1767, and its inhabitants were thoroughly 



28 LIFE OF MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1774 loyal subjects to George III. (as is shown by the resolution 
passed by the Stockbridge Convention of July 6, 1774) until 
they were forced by his arbitrary acts to declare, as they did 
on December 25, 1775, " that there shall be no more warrants 
given out in his majesty's name to warn town meetings." 



CHAPTER II. 

THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESSES AND THE BATTLE OP 
BUNKER HILL. 

On the 1st of September, 1774, Thomas Gage, the royal 1774 
governor of Massachusetts Bay Colony, issued his precept to 
each of the towns of the colony, commanding them to send 
their representatives to the General Com-t to be convened at 
Salem on the 5th of October, 1774. On the 5th he began 
to fortify Boston Neck, so as to close the approach to the city 
by land. On the 6th, 5000 armed men at "Worcester prevented 
the unconstitutionally appointed judges from taking their 
seats for the county assizes. The same day the Suffolk County 
Convention declared "that the king who ^dolates the char- 
tered rights of the people forfeits their allegiance," and ordered 
all the officers appointed under the regulating act to resign at 
once. They ordered the collectors of taxes to decline to pay 
them over to the governor's treasm"er. They ad\dsed the 
towns to choose militia officers, and sent word to the governor 
that if he arrested any one for political offenses they would 
seize the officers of the king and hold them as hostages. On 
the receipt of these resolutions a provisional government was 
formed. The same day the Continental Congress assembled 
in Philadelphia and approved the Suffolk resolutions and de- 
manded the repeal of the acts of Parliament. On the 28th of 
Septemljer, fearful of the effect of these demonstrations. Gov- 
ernor Gage, incensed liy the instructions gixen by many of the 
towns to theii- representatives elected for the General Com*t, 
revoked his precept, notifying the members not to come, 
on account of "the disordered and unhappy state of the 

29 



30 LIFE OF MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1774 pro\'ince, the extraordiuary resolves which had been passed 
in many of the counties, and the instructions given by the 
town of Boston and some other towns to their representa- 
tives." The "pestilent leaders/' as he called the representa- 
tives of some of the towns, were ordered to remain at home ; 
but he neglected to recognize that these leaders were not 
moving of themselves, but by the authority and at the wish 
of the people, and that these people, whose power he did 
not recognize and whose authority he despised, were the 
ones who were the real governors. This revocation, together 
with the indignation against other acts of the crown and Par- 
liament, which was already boihng up in the minds of the 
people, intensified the bitter feehng existing between the col- 
onies and the mother-country. Up to that time loyalty to 
the crown had been a matter of religion -with most of the col- 
onists. It was only a few disaffected ones, who, according to 
the governor, " were not in the majority, who were fomenting 
sedition," but this arbitrary act caused a great addition to 
these ranks and brought the disaffected into the majority. 
AU the towns had elected then* representatives to the General 
Court, and these representatives were the best and ablest men 
in the province. The towns unanimously decided that their 
representatives should pay no attention to the counter-proc- 
lamation, and should proceed to Salem notwithstanding the 
revocation of the governor's precept. 

To this congress John Paterson was sent as the representa- 
tive of the town of Lenox, and he was one of the most active 
and influential men in it. The members were fully aware of the 
responsibility they had assumed, and were equal to the emer- 
gency ; but in order that they should take no step without the 
authority of their constituents, they kept adjourning and re- 
tm-ning to their own homes to consult the people from whom 
they had received their authority. The instructions given to 
John Paterson by the town of Lenox were, that if the gover- 
nor, whose presence in the General Court was necessary to its 
legal organization, presented himself, to proceed to find, if 
possible, a " remedy for the disordered and unhappy state of 



THE PRO\TNCIAL CONGRESS. 31 

the province," but that if he shoiild refuse to appear, then 1774 
the representatives should proceed to then- dehberations with- 
out him and find it for themselves. All the towns gave 
simdar instructions to their representatives. Ninety of the 
delegates assembled Wednesday, October 5tli, the day as- 
signed in the precept. They waited one day for the governor, 
but he refused to meet and organize them. They organized 
themselves on Thursday, and on Fiiday they adopted the fol- 
lowing resolution, which they sent to the governor : 

Resolved : That some of the causes assigned for this unconstitutional 
and wanton prevention of the General Court have in all good govern- 
ments been considered among the greatest reasons for convening a par- 
liament or assembly ; and therefore the proclamation is considered as a 
further proof, not only of His Excellency's disaffection toward the prov- 
ince, but of the necessity of its most vigorous and immediate exertions 
for preser\dng the freedom and constitution thereof. 

They then declared themselves to be a Provincial Congress, 
and published theii* proceedings, which was their method of 
infonning the people of their action ; but in order that there 
should be no mistake as to their intentions, they sent to the 
governor notice of what had been done by a committee of 
twenty-one of their number. On the 17th Governor Gage 
rephed that by assembhng without his authority they were 
subverting their charter and acting in direct violation of 
theu' own constitution. This is one of the few cases in which 
he was right, for by doing what they had done none knew 
better than themselves that they had committed high treason 
and had forfeited their lives and property to the cro-wni of 
Great Britain. Theu- action was fully sustained by the peo- 
ple. The time had come when sulimission meant subjection, 
and when obedience to law, when their rulers acted in defiance 
of justice, was the complete surrender of their liberties. " As 
we are in a remote wilderness of the earth, we know but 
little," said the farmers of Lenox, " l)ut neither nature nor 
the God of nature requires us to crouch, Issacher-like, between 
the two burdens of poverty and slavery." * 

* Bancroft's "History of the United States," vol. iii., p. 249. 



32 LIFE OP jMAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1774 This act of rebellion iu Massaehusetts broke up all forms 
of law, for the king's courts could not be held among those 
who had defied his authority. The com'ts of justice were not 
re-established until the adoption of the State Constitution in 
1780. By common agreement the people settled their differ- 
ences, acts of violence were uncommon, and what differences 
could not be settled between parties were settled by authorities 
named and constituted by common consent. 

Dm-ing all the time that the Continental and Provincial 
Congresses were in session county conventions were being 
constantly held, and it was these conventions which had 
brought the sentiment up to such a point that without hesita- 
tion they converted the Great and General Court, which had 
been put under the ban of the governor, into the Provincial 
Congress which made the Revolution possible. In the mean- 
time, Earl Chatham had tried to get the offensive acts repealed 
and to renounce the right to tax the colonies, but Parliament 
refused ; all the ports of New England were closed, the army 
about Boston was increased to 10,000 men, and Governor 
Gage, who had promised to subdue the colonies with four regi- 
ments, was superseded by Howe. 

It must not be supposed that the feeling which made the 
American Revolution was unanimous. Debates were bitter 
and party spirit was high ; families were di\'ided then, as 
they were during the late Civil War ; but the movement for 
the Revolution was the act of an overwhelming majority, and 
many who were opposed at the outset became enthusiastic 
advocates after the majority had decided that the separation 
from the mother-country must be made. The people had 
been accustomed to live on the defensive and to be in con- 
stant fear that the arrival of each ship from Great Britain 
would bring fresh curtailment of then' liberties. Loyalty had 
been part of their religion, and was still so ; but when they 
began to ask themselves how far loyalty to the king should 
carry submission to the unjust enactment of his ministers and 
Parliament, they had already admitted the principle of the 
Revolution, and from that to the repudiation of the oath 



THE PEOVIXCIAL CONGRESS. • 33 

taken, uot only to defend the kinc:, bnt "to disclose any 1774 
plot of treason against liis majesty or his successors, without 
mental reservation," was but a step. 

The fii'st seed of the Revolution was thus sown by the rep- 
resentatives of the people of Massachusetts Bay, who, in de- 
fiance of the proclamation of Governor Gage, were instructed 
by their towns to go to Salem, according to the royal precept 
issued September 1st, and to pay no attention whatever to the 
count^er-proclamation. Few of us can appreciate what it cost 
the people to instruct those delegates to the General Coui't to 
resolve themselves into a congress, and yet it was this resolve 
which made it possible for the United States of America to 
become what they are. 

To fully appreciate these events, they must not be taken 
as isolated facts, but must be considered in connection with 
the county conventions and the provincial congresses which 
made the acts of the Continental Congress by which the Dec- 
laration of Independence was finally made possible. The 
connection between the Continental Congress, the provincial 
congresses, and the county conventions was very close, so that 
the acts of each body were immediately felt throughout the 
whole of the country. In the year 1774, when everything 
was ready for the war which followed so soon afterward, 
they prepared the way for the ready acceptance by the people 
of the conversion of the General Com't caUed by Governor 
Gage into the Provincial Congress which made the Revolu- 
tion. There were only about three millions of people in the 
country at that time, but these representative assemblies, for 
such they were, were of such a character that in a very brief 
period the opinions of the people were not only formed, but 
transmitted to the governing liodies in such a way that there 
was no mistaking what public opinion was. The town-meeting 
was the safety-valve of public thought ; the higher and more 
dignified asseml)lies digested, formulated, and expressed it. 
The habit of debate which every public act required led men 
to form their o^^^l opinions. They were, it is true, more or 
less influenced by the public orators, but what the town, 



34 LIFE OF MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1774 country, single province or the united provinces thought was 
expressed l\y these assemblies. There were differences of opin- 
ion, but these were settled by votes in the open meeting, and 
not by newspaper editors for partisan purposes. The result 
was that in the thirteen States, when the time for self-assertion 
and independence came, "the group of statesmen that pro- 
ceeded from them were a match for any in the whole history 
of the world and were superior to those of any other epoch." * 
On December 26, 1774, the town of Lenox voted '^tliat 
the Collector of the Province Tax shall pay Colonel John 
Paterson out of the s<l tax money for his Representing us at 
the Great and General Court at their last May Session Ten 
Pounds Ten Shillings lawful money." They also voted to pay 
''two pounds eight shillings to Colonel John Paterson for 
journeying to Boston to do business with the Committee of 
Correspondence." He had gone to the coast under a false 
alarm of war. At the same meeting he with two others was 
chosen a committee to gather grain to provide the town with 
a stock of ammunition, to consist of one hundred pounds of 
powder, four hundi'ed pounds of lead, and six hundred flints. 
Such action as this called for military organization. The 
people had been more or less habituated to the necessities of 
defense from their isolated position, but this defense had 
been against the barbarous warfare of the Indians. Now it 
was a defense of their rights against trained soldiers. Every 
colony had its militia organizations. Almost all the towns 
had had their trained bands. They had originated in the 
very early history of the settlements from the spontaneous 
feeling of the necessity of some kind of systematic protection. 
They were looked upon b}' the royal authorities as a useful 
means of local defense, and were regarded as an organization 
which might be useful to the governors in case they should 
be required to put down " the pestilent fellows who were fo- 
menting disturbances." The great increase in then- number 
during the year 1774 had either not attracted the notice of 

* From Mr. Gladstone's speeches. 



THE PRO^^NCIAL CONGRESS. 35 

the authorities, or was taken as the result of a martial spu'it 1774 
which was natm-al. The general arming of the people had 
been so noiseless that it had excited no apprehension on the 
part of the royal authorities ; it had been looked on as part of 
the necessary consequences of the isolated condition of the 
towns. It does not appear that it was ever regarded by 
them even with suspicion. Now the colonists found the train 
bands useful as a means of organization ; and, inspii'ed by 
their leaders, they commenced the formation of uniformed 
militia companies, with fixed terms of service, in all the 
towns, and in this move Lenox was not backward. In this 
spirit, in the congress on October 25, 1774, John Paterson had 
been ordered to inquire into "the state of all the stores in 
the commissary general's department," and he knew the re- 
sources of the province jjerfectly. On the 27th the congi-ess 
appointed a committee of safety whose duty was to collect 
military stores. The towns, thi'ough theh' delegates, had done 
then* work fearlessly and thoroughly. They had carried the 
people with them in every step, and now they came forward 
and voted money freely to arm, equip, and discipline those 
citizens who had entered " the alarm list companies," as they 
were called. To be a private in one of these companies was 
an honor ; to be an officer was the highest distinction the town 
could confer. By this time John Paterson was most thor- 
ouglily satisfied that it was useless to try to convince the 
governor that he had acted unjustly, and hopeless to ob- 
tain any redi-ess from the British crown, and that war was 
inevitable. He had, before the second congi-ess was called 
and during its sessions, raised and organized a regiment, 
and while he was at home was most active in equij)ping it 
and diiUing it for field service, wliich he told every uuiu 
when he enlisted that he might be called on at any mo- 
ment to render. Every one when he enlisted pledged liimself 
to be ready to march at a moment's notice of a hostile move- 
ment of the king's troops. The priv^ates elected the company 
officers, and they the field officers. It was a foregone conclu- 
sion that John Paterson, who was a born leader of men, should 



36 LIFE OF >L\JOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON, 

1774 be elected the colonel. His early association with military life^ 
and his knowledge of it gained while his father was in ser- 
vice at home, so well adapted him for leadership that he was 
tlie nndisputed authority and the acknowledged leader. The 
regiment was raised for the defense of the colony. Lenox 
had pre^dously made provision for the secm-ing of arms and 
ammunition for it. In a very short time a sufficient number 
of persons, uniformed and equipped, had joined the regiment 
to entitle it to be organized as such. John Paterson, who 
had been chosen as its colonel, was commissioned by the 
Colonial Committee of Safety. The regiment was composed 
principally of companies from the middle and northern towns 
of the county. Five companies were from the county of 
Berkshire, four from other parts of Massachusetts, and one 
from the State of New York. With a great deal of labor it 
had been well drilled and brought to a fine state of discipline. 
It was fully equipped and in thorough condition for active 
service and was all ready when the news of the battle of Lex- 
ington and the bloody encounter at the bridge at Concord 
was brought to Lenox. The regiment was assembled at once, 
and within eighteen hours after the receipt of the news was 
on the march to Cambridge and was the first on the ground 
after the news of the battle. 

The Fu'st Provincial Congress was dissolved December 10, 
177-4, the reason for which was the danger wliich the delegates 
foresaw of continuing to exercise so great powers as became 
necessary from the unexpected situation without a new elec- 
tion, and they recommended the towns and districts to elect 
members to the new congress, giving the very good reason 
that in times of so great emergency, when new principles 
were to be asserted and cu-cmnstances so extraordinary were 
constantly arising, the views of the people should be repre- 
sented in a new congress, not by men who had been elected 
under different emergencies, but by those who knew the cir- 
cumstances of the day. John Paterson immediately retm-ned 
to Lenox, thoroughly convinced himself that war was ine\dta- 
ble, and he advised immediate preparation for it. This ad- 



THE SECOND PROVINCIAL CONGRESS. 37 

vice was followed, and sixteen days afterward, on December 1774-1775 
26th, the town appointed a committee of eleven to collect grain 
for purposes of defense, and voted the sum of twenty pounds 
to procm'e and pay for a stock of ammunition. This was 
done on the ad\ice of Mr. Paterson, who assm-ed the people 
of the town that war, if not ine\'itable, was most likely, and 
that, if it should come, any unnecessary delay in preparing for 
it now would he fatal, and that without the most active re- 
sistance to the aggi'essions of the British crown it would be 
impossible to live honorably under that tjTanny. 

On January 30, 1775, John Paterson was elected delegate 
to the Second Provincial Congress, called to assemble at Cam- 
bridge on the 1st day of February foUomng. This body or- 
ganized as a Provincial Congress. Governor Gage refused all 
recognition of it, while it, on its part, like the Fu'st Congress, 
acknowledged no authority but that of the people. On Feb- 
ruary 9th John Paterson was made chairman of a committee to 
report the names of those who had been appointed king's coun- 
cilors l)y mandamus and had refused to resign their appoint- 
ments. They reported the names of fifteen men whom they 
declared to be " the implacable enemies of theu" country," and 
the secretary was ordered to send their names to aU the news- 
papers, that they " might, if possible, be sent down to posterity 
with the infamy they deserve." On February 10th he was 
appointed on a committee " to revise the commission of the 
Committee of Safety and also of the Committee of Supplies, and 
to point out what amendments, if any, are necessary." On Feb- 
ruary 13tli he was appointed a committee '' to bring in a reso- 
lution for inquuy into the state of the militia, their number and 
equipment, and recommending to the selectmen of the several 
towns and districts in the pro\ance to make return of theii- 
town and district stock of ammunition and warlike stores to 
this Congi-ess." On the 14th of February he was instructed to 
bring in a resolution to appoint an agent to go to the jjrov- 
ince of Quebec and collect the sentiments of the people there 
relating to the matters which disturbed the harmony existing 
between the mother-countrv and her colonies. John Bro'^Ti 



38 LIFE OF :\L\JOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1775 was made this agent, and the news which he brought back re- 
sulted in the disastrous Canada campaign, which was under- 
taken under the impression that Canada, like the other col- 
onies, was dissatisfied and was both likely and wilhng to join 
the other provinces in the defense of their rights. The same 
day he was made chairman of a committee " to bring in a 
resolve, directing and empowering the Committee of Corre- 
spondence for the town of Boston to establish an intimate 
correspondence with the inhabitants of Quebec." On Febru- 
ary 16th he was appointed to bring in a resolution relative 
to adjournment, and empowering the members from Charles- 
tovm. to call the Confess together at an earlier day than that 
to which it may be adjoui'ned. At a town meeting held in 
Lenox on the 21st of March, 1775, during one of the recesses 
of the congi-ess Colonel John Paterson was chosen moderator 
of the meeting. He was elected selectman and assessor, col- 
lector of the school tax, and was sworn in to these offices. 
It was thought by the congress to be of the greatest im- 
portance to secure the interest and the services of the 
Stockbridge Indians in the cause of the colonies, and on 
April 1, 1775, he was appointed to present an address to the 
Stockbridge Indians for the encouragement of those of the 
tribe who had enhsted as minute-men. It was voted to appro- 
priate twenty-three pounds for the purchase of blankets and 
ribbons for each of them, and that Colonel John Paterson 
and Captain WUliam Goodridge should purchase blankets 
and ribbons and present an address to the Indians, and that 
each Indian enlisted should be given one blanket and one 
yard of ribbon. The address, which was probably written by 
Paterson, in whose ability to draft resolutions and addresses 
his fellow-congressmen seem to have had gi-eat confidence, is 
given in full : 

" To Johoiakin Motliksin and the rest of our hrethren, the Indians, natives 
of StocMridge : 

"Good Brothers: It affords us great pleasure and satisfaction to 
hear, by Colonel Paterson and Captain Goodridge, that our brothers, the 
natives of Stockbridge, are ready and willing to take up the hatchet in 



THE SECOND PROVENCLVL CONGRESS. 39 

the cause of liberty and their country. "We find you have not been inat- 1775 
teutive to the unhappy controversy we are engaged in -with our mother- 
country, by reason of sundry acts the British Parliament have passed, 
by which our rights and privileges have been invaded and our property 
taken from us without our consent. We have frequently j)etitioued the 
king for redress for our grievances and the restoration of our riglits ; 
but instead of granting us relief the king's ministers have sent a large 
fleet and posted a great many in the town of Boston, who are daily abus- 
ing and insulting the inhabitants in order to enforce obedience to these 
acts. The whole continent, from Nova Scotia to Georgia, by their dele- 
gates have lately presented a petition to the king praying for relief, to 
which we hope we shall receive a gracious answer. We wish the fire of 
friendship may be again kindled between both coimtries ; but in case 
our petition should not be attended to and the ministry should determine 
to deprive us of our rights and property by a military force, we hold 
oui'selves obliged to defend them at the point of the sword. This is a 
common cause — a cause you are equally engaged in with om-selves ; we 
are all brothers, and if the Parliament of Great Britain takes from us 
our property and our lands without our consent, they will do the same by 
you ; your property, your lands will be insecure — in short, we shall not 
any of us have anj-thing we can call our own. Yom- engaging in this 
cause discovers not only your attachment to your liberties, but fiirnishes 
us with an evidence of your gratitude to this pro\dnce for their past 
favors. They have frequently at your request made laws and regiila- 
tions for your protection and defense against the ravages and frauds of 
designing men. They have constantly and cheerfully afforded you aid 
and assistance, because you have given them abundant proof of your 
fidelity. We have directed Colonel Paterson and Captain Goodi-idge to 
present each of you that have enlisted in the service with a blanket and 
a ribbon as a testimony of oiu" affection, and shall depend upon your firm 
and steady attachment to the cause you have engaged in." 

In a short time the Stockbridge Indians enlisted a full 
company composed of all the fig'hting men of the tribe, and 
they did most faithful ser\-ice during the war. The chief of 
one of the tribes which accepted the address and enlisted the 
men replied, however, '• I am not used to fight English fash- 
ion, and you must not expect me to train like your men ; only 
point out to me where your enemies keep, and that is aU I 
shall want to know." 

In July eighteen of the Indian soldiers petitioned Congi'ess 
to take care of their money, as they were afraid of getting 



40 LIFE OF IVIAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1775 too much strong drink. They asked that then- money be 
paid to two citizens of Stockbridge, who shoidd deal it out 
to them as they had need, and the petition was granted on 
July 5th. 

The same day that the address to the Stockbridge Indians 
was adopted John Paterson, with Thomas Gushing and Sam- 
uel Adams of Boston, was ordered to draft a similar letter to 
the Rev. Mr. Kirkland, and an address to the Mohawk In- 
dians. The addi'ess is given below, and states the whole case 
fuUy: 

" CoxcoRD, April 4, 1775. 

"Eeverend Sir: The Provincial Congi-ess have thought it necessary 
to address the sachem of the Mohawk tribe, with the rest of the Five 
Nations, upon the subject of the controversy between Great Britain and 
the American colonies. We were induced to take this measure, as we 
have been informed that those who are inimical to us in Canada have 
been tampering with those nations, and endeavoring to attach them to 
the interest of those who are attempting to deprive us of om- inestimable 
rights and privileges, and to subjugate the colonies to arbitrary power. 
From a confidence in your attachment to the cause of liberty and your 
country, we now transmit to you the inclosed address, and desire you 
would deliver it to the sachem of the Mohawk tribe to be communicated 
to the rest of the Five Nations, and that you would use yoiu- influence 
with them to join with us in the defense of our rights ; but if you can- 
not prevail with them to take an active part in this glorious cause, that 
you would, at least, engage them to stand neuter, and not by any means 
to aid and assist our enemies ; and as we are at a loss for the name of 
the sachem of the Mohawk tribe, we have left it to you to direct the 
address to him, in such way as you may think proper. 

"'Brothers: We, the delegates of the inhabitants of the province of 
the Massachusetts Bay, being come together to consider what may be 
best for you and ourselves to do, in order to get ourselves rid of those 
hardships which we feel and fear, have thought it our duty to tell you, 
our good brothers, what our fathers in Great Britain have done and 
threaten to do with ixs. 

' ' ' Brothers : You have heard how oiu- fathers were obliged, by the 
cruelty of their brethren, to leave their country ; how they crossed the 
gi'eat lake and came here ; how they purchased this land with their own 
money, and how, since that time, they and we, their sons and grandsons, 
have built our houses, and cut down the trees, and cleared and im^jroved 
the land at their and our own expense ; how we have fought for them, 



THE SECOND PROVINCIAL CONGRESS. 41 

aud conquered Canada and a great many other places which they have had 1 775 
and have not paid us for. After all which and many other troubles, we 
thought we had reason to hope that they would be kind to us, and allow 
us to enjoy ourselves, and sit in our own houses and eat our own \'ictuals 
in peace and quiet ; but alas, our brothers, we are gi-eatly distressed, and 
we will tell you om" grief, for you, as well as we, are in great danger. 

" 'Brothers : Our fathers in Great Britain tell us our lands and houses 
and cattle and money are not our own ; that we, ourselves, are not our 
own men, but their servants; they have endeavored to take away our 
money without our leave, and have sent their gi-eat vessels and a great 
many warriors for that purpose. 

" * Brothers : We used to send our vessels on the great lake, whereby 
we were able to get clothes aud what we needed for ourselves and you ; 
but such has lately been their conduct that we cannot ; they have told us 
we shall have no more guns, no powder to use and kill cm' wolves and 
other game, nor to send to you, for you to kill your victuals with, and 
to get skins to trade with us, to buy you blankets and what you want. 
How can you live without powder and guns? But we hope to supply you 
soon with both of our own making. 

"'Brothers: They have made a law to establish the religion of the 
pope in Canada, which lies so near you. We much fear some of your 
children may be induced, instead of worshiping the only true God, to 
pay His due to images made with their own hands. 

" ' Brothers : These and many other hai-dships we are threatened 
with, which, no doubt, in the end, will equally affect you; for the 
same reason they would get our lands, they will take away yours. All 
we want is, that we and you may enjoy that liberty and security which 
we have a right to enjoy, and that we may not lose that good land which 
enables us to feed our wives and children. We think it our duty to in- 
form you of our danger, and desire you to give notice to all your kin- 
dred ; and as we much fear they will attempt to cut om- throats, and if 
you should allow them to do that, there will nobody remain to keep them 
from you, we therefore earnestly desire you to whet yom- hatchet aud 
be prepared with us to defend our liberties and lives. 

" ' Brothers : We humbly beseech that God, who lives and does what 
is right here below, to enlighten your minds to see that you ought to 
prevent our fathers from bringing those miseries upon us, and to His 
good proAndenee we commend you.'" * 

On the 4th of April, Congress ha^dng given Captain Good- 
ridge permission to angment his company to one hundred 
men to act as rangers, he was directed to apply to C'olonel 

* "Journal of the First Provincial Congress," p. 118. 



42 LIFE OF :MAJ0R-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1775 Paterson, who would have an opportunity to consult the field- 
officers of the militia regiments from which the men were to be 
enlisted, and act as they might think best. On April 24th he 
was made the member from Berkshu*e County to attend the 
meetings of the Committee of Safety and Supplies and advise 
them " who from among the minute-men are most suitable for 
officers in the army now raising." He was so successful in en- 
listing men that on May 1st it was ordered that he "be sup- 
plied wHth ten sets of enlisting orders." How thoroughly he 
commanded the confidence of the people in military matters is 
showTi by the fact that he was appointed by the Congress 
on almost every committee relating to military affau's. On 
March 21, 1775, the town of Lenox voted "to abide by the 
doings of the Provincial Congress." On April 14, 1775, they 
voted to procure forty muskets, " with bayonets and cartouch 
boxes." On April 12th he was appointed on a committee to 
look into matters relating to, and to attend to applications 
from, the plantation of New Providence. On May 3d he was 
appointed to give to Ebenezer Bradish a certificate of unjust 
accusation. On May 8th Colonel Paterson was made a mem- 
ber of a committee to see that all the members of the Con- 
gress were in their seats at 3 p.m. the next day, to determine 
" whether it was expedient to assume the government." This 
discussion was postponed until the 12th, when it became evi- 
dent that there was no hope of redress, and it was decided to 
act. They assumed the government, and all the responsi- 
bilities which such revolutionary action entailed. The Con- 
gress continued in session until the 29th of May, adjourn- 
ing from time to time in order that the new state of affairs 
might be explained to the people and their wishes ascertained. 
In these two Congresses he was one of the ablest and clearest, 
of those who demanded freedom from the tjTanny of the colo- 
nial representatives of the mother-country and from the mother- 
country itseK. In the interval between the sessions Colonel 
Paterson \dsited aU parts of the district that he represented, 
explaining the critical relations, making known the resolutions 
and debates of the members of the First and Second Con- 



THE SECOND PROVIXCIAL CONGRESS. 43 

gresses, showing the wrongs inflicted npon the colony, and the i- 
necessity of maintaining their honor and manhood by prepar- 
ing at once for the impending struggle. His clear statement 
of the legal side of the question, his patriotic appeals to theu* 
manhood, and his unflinching determination for himself not 
to yield, had probably as great, if not greater, influence than 
the representations of most of the other delegates. 

His ancestors had fled from Scotland to escape the tyranny 
of James II. He had learned in his boyhood from them that 
despotism, when quietly submitted to, meant slavery, and by 
the gradual encroachment on the chai-ter which had been made, 
until he saw that instrmnent, in the last official acts, disappear 
altogether, he knew that there was no hope for the American 
colonists to remain freemen except by the assertion and defense 
of theii' rights. Since his graduation, as a loj^al subject of the 
king he had ui'ged obedience to the laws as enacted, while en- 
deavoring when they seemed oppressive to get them changed or 
repealed. Now he saw that remonstrance was useless, and he 
freely and openly advised armed resistance as the only price at 
which it was possible for the pro\dnces to retain theu* freedom. 
He believed what he said, and his earnest representations con- 
vinced people that he was right. His knowledge of law and 
of military matters, his ability as a leader, and the zeal and 
firmness that he had sho"v\Ti in resisting the oppressions of 
the British crown, made him one of the ablest and most prom- 
inent men in both Congresses. He not only kept the people 
of the town fully informed of all the proceedings of the Con- 
gresses, but kept them up to doing theii* part when action • 
was necessary. The people required but very little ui-ging. 
They were no longer actuated by the spirit of loj^altj^ which 
passed the resolutions of July 6, 1774. Every town took care 
to be represented in all the congi-esses and conventions, and 
each indi\ddual townsman took pains to be himself thoroughly 
acquainted with the facts. 

The winter had passed quietly. In their town meetings 
eveiy man, woman, and child had had the lesson impressed 
upon them that, in order to secm-e the full spnpathy of the 



44 LIFE OF :^L\JOR-GEXERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1775 other colonies, the govei-nment must fii-e the fii-st shot. The 
acts of Parhament had been defied. No one could be found 
to serve under the royal commission. There was practically 
no government. The men di'illed every evening in the ^il- 
lages, and quietly collected their mil i tar}' stores. In Boston 
the hardship was gi-eat, but no provocation was sufficient to 
make the people do more than assert and re-assert their 
rights. 

On March 5th a town meeting was held in Boston at the 
old South Chui'ch, which was full to repletion, and at which 
Joseph Warren made a most eloquent address "" on the baleful 
influences of standing armies in time of peace," at which 
Hancock and Adams, who had both been proscribed, were 
present. This gave the governor a pretext for action. The 
Second Provincial Congress had adjom-ned fi-om Aj)ril 15th 
to May loth, but on the 17th of April the committee fi-om 
Charlestown and the neighboring towns, who had been au- 
thorized to recall the members if necessary, sent summons to 
all the delegates to return at once, as G-eneral Gage had re- 
ceived reinforcements and was making preparations to send 
British troops into the interior. The government had deter- 
mined to arrest Adams and Hancock as traitors and have 
them sent to England for trial ; but Governor Gage tried fii\st 
to coiTupt them, which he found impossible. He then re- 
ceived peremptory orders to arrest them. After the adjom-n- 
ment of the Congi*ess they both went to Lexington for a few 
days. The governor thought that it would be easier to arrest 
them there than in Boston or Watertown, and troops were 
sent there secretly for that purpose, and also to destroy the 
miUtars' stores wliich were collected at Concord. But the 
news leaked out, and the result was that the troops which 
started on the night of April 18th met with a warm recep- 
tion the next morning, and the battles of Lexington and Con- 
cord took place. The expedition was a failure. The whole 
force nari'owly escaped captm-e. The people had shown 
that they could fight, and that they had excellent ideas 
of mihtary organization and were expert marksmen : and. 



THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON. 45 

moreover, Great Britain had fired the first shot, so that at 1775 
the eud of the week Gage found himself besieged in Boston 
by sixteen thousand men. The affairs of the pro\dnces had 
now assumed the gravest turn in their history. The notice for 
the reassembhng of the Congi-ess was sent by express mes- 
sengers, and possibly had reached Lenox previous to the news 
of the battle of Lexington, which occmred on the 19th. This 
may account for the almost incredible promptness with which 
Colonel Paterson and his regiment arrived in Boston. Send- 
ing notice to all his soldiers to be in readiness to march 
at a moment's notice. Colonel Paterson was about to re- 
turn to the Second Congi*ess. On the 20th the news of the 
battle of Lexington and the fight at the bridge at Concord, or, 
much more prol^ably, the news of the starting of the British 
troops from Boston, reached Lenox by special couriers, who 
had ridden night and day by relays to carry it. These events, 
following so quickly one upon the other, demanded attention 
at once, and the to"vvn responded immediately. The battle 
occmred on "Wednesday ; the news anived by relays of coui*- 
iers on Friday, the 17th, at noon; and on Saturday morning 
at sunrise the regiment, which was completely armed and 
equipped and for the most part in uniform, marched.* Colonel 
Paterson left the regiment at Cambridge, but acted as colonel 
of his regiment and delegate in the Congi'ess at the same time, 
until the Congress adjom-ned. Between May 23d and 29th, 
when the Second Congress adjourned, they resolved to issue 
commissions to colonels of regiments who should procure cer- 
tificates from the Committee of Safety that theii' regiments 
were filled with the i:)roper complement of men. On the 26th 
of May, 1775, Colonel Paterson ha\dng assured the Committee 
of Safety from his seat in the Congress that his regiment 
had 496 enlisted men, was nearly full, was ready for service 
and actually in the field, a certifiicate of that fact was given 
to him, and it was recommended that the regiment be com- 
missioned by the Pro^•incial Congi'ess as a part of the Con- 
tinental Ai'my. 

* Azaria Egleston, afterward his son-in-law, was in this regiment. 



46 LIFE OF BIAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1775 " Capn John McKinstry in Nobletown took out inlisting Orders from 
Capn Charles Dibbell in Colo Paterson's Regiment, we suppose his Com- 
pany to be full & near if not quite compleat as to Arms & may be ex- 
pected here this week 

"Capn Douglas at Jerieo took inlisting Orders as above, we suppose 
his Company to be full & arms sufficient, this company may be expected 
here by next Monday at furtherst 

" Capn lugersols Company may be expected every hour, he took inlist- 
ing Orders from Capn Wm Guttridge & is now on his March, supposed 
to be full and compleat with Arms 

" Capn Pratt, we have heard is gone or proposes to go to the North- 
ward 

" Capn Strong, we are doubtful whether he will get his Company full 

"John Paterson 
" Wm Goodrich * 
"Cambridge, June 13th, 1775" 

On the 29th of May the Second Provincial Congress was 
dissolved, and he went at once to his regiment in the field, and 
never left the army, except on a very short fm-lough, until he 
retired in December, 1783. The important part that Colonel 
Paterson took in these congresses is shown by the fact that he 
was a member of so many committees during the Fii'st and 
Second Congresses, and that they were for the most part those 
which gave the tone and character to the congresses. In 
everything relating to military and legal matters he was the 
ruling spu'it. 

It is remarkable that while for nine months all the ordinary 
methods of government had been at a stand-still, and that 
violence might have resulted at any time, yet there had been 
no disturbances in the affairs of e very-day life. Things had 
gone on as usual. The acts of the governor had been peace- 
ably resisted. Every one was satisfied that the first act of 
violence must be committed by the governor, and then they 
would be sm*e of the co-operation of every one of the colonies. 
Drilling went on in every town in the evening on the "\Tllage 
gi'een. War supplies were openly collected. Organizations 
were perfected, but every one throughout the entire land knew 

* Massachusetts Archives, vol. cxhd., p. 192. 



THE CAPTURE OF TICONDEROGA. 47 

that it was indispensable that the government shonld fli*e the l' 
first shot. It was not the first time tliat armed resistance had 
been prepared against the encroachments of the British crow^l. 
The first departm'e of armed men from Lenox to Boston was 
on an nnfonnded alarm in 1774. The people had ]:)een ready 
once on a false alarm, and when the fii\st real cause came, 
which was after the battles of Lexington and Concord, when 
Revere gave the appointed signal from the church tower, 
they marched without delay. Colonel Paterson ha^dng been re- 
lieved from his civil duties by the adjournment of the Second 
Congress on the 29tli of May, and being in the field "wath his 
regiment, Captain Caleb Hyde * was sent as the representative 
of Lenox. 

On the 10th of May Ticonderoga had been captured, and a 
few days later St. John's. Those fortresses commanded the 
northern approaches to the Hudson River, and were the 
strategic centers of the whole northern country. It was neces- 
sary to hold them if an invasion of Canada was to be earned out 
on the one hand, and to prevent invasion from Canada on the 
other. With them were captiu'ed large quantities of mihtary 
stores and cannon, of which the army was in need, and which 
were of the greatest use in the operations around Boston 
which were shortly to he carried out. The Continental Con- 
gress met in Philadelphia on the same day. This body was 
an advisory one without any legal power, but as there was no 
other central government it soon became in fact the govern- 
ing body. They elected John Hancock as President in the 
teeth of his proscription by the king's officers. They were 
afraid that the garrisoning of Ticonderoga was going too far, 
but finally consented to it, and they adopted the army before 
Boston as " The Continental Army of the United Colonies," 
and appointed Colonel George Washington as commander-in- 
chief, with the title of General. 

The Thii'd Pro\'incial Congi*ess convened at Waterto\Nai on 



* This was the Caleb Hyde whose daughter Clarissa married John Pat- 
erson's eldest sou. 



48 LIFE OF IMAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1775 May 31, 1775, and adjourned July 19th. As Colonel Paterson 
was in the field, Captain Caleb Hyde took his place as repre- 
sentative from Lenox. This Thii'd Congi^ess, in view of what 
was about to happen, revised the commission of the Commit- 
tee of Safety and Supplies, and gave them authority to call 
meeting's of the Congress at any time, and other powers. On 
June 4th they ordered that Colonel Paterson's regiment should 
be paid out of the fii'st moneys collected by the receiver- 
general. On June 26th they " Resolved that Captain McKin- 
stry and Captain Porter, who have each raised a company in 
NcAV York and Connecticut, he permitted to join Colonel Pat- 
erson's regiment, provided theii- companies are full or near 
full, and that each man is provided with a good and sufficient 
fii-e-loek, and that they join the regiment as soon as possible." 
In the interval between the time that Governor Gage 
had been practically set aside by the people, and while the 
pro\dneial congresses and the Committee of Safety were 
exercising aU executive and legislative powers, the courts, 
were closed; but the people were actuated by great prin- 
ciples, and not only were no great crimes committed any- 
where which requii'ed the actions of the courts, but good 
order prevailed everywhere. Whatever judicial powers were 
necessary were exercised by members of the provincial con- 
gresses, not by \drtue of commissions or authority given to 
them by anybody for the pui-pose, but by common consent. 
The people took upon themselves the executive duties in all de- 
partments, and common consent was the only authority known 
and recognized. They had learned the principle of represent- 
ative government from the mother-country, but they had 
learned stiU another lesson, which was, that since they had 
ceased to have hereditary officers, to appoint their own by 
election; and finding themselves not sufficiently strong to 
act alone, they commenced to act fii'st by unions of towns 
and then of counties, and finally by confederation of all the 
provinces ; and to represent this union the First Continental 
Congress was called at Philadelphia, on September 5, 1774,. 
and then the provincial congresses continued only as a mat- 



THE PROVLN'CL\L CONGRESSES. 4iJ 

ter of necessity, with the expectation of surrendering their 1775 
powers, as they eventually did, to the Continental Congi-ess. 

On the 3d of June, 1776, after the troops had left Lenox, 
the representatives of the town in the Congress were dii'ected 
to *' suppress all the tp-annical measures that have or may take 
place from Great Britain, and like-w^ise to take as much care 
that you do not set up anything of a despotic power among 
om-selves, but let us have freedom at home, although we have 
war aliroad." They were further du*ected '' to use your ut- 
most abilities and interest with om* Assembly, and they theirs 
with the Continental Congress, that if they think it safe for 
the colonies, they declare them independent of the kingdom 
of Great Britain. And in yom* so doing, we do declare, in 
the above-mentioned thing. We'll stand by you with our lives 
and fortunes." On the 16tli of August, 1776, the first war- 
rants for a town meeting were issued, ''in the name and by 
the authority of the people of Massachusetts Bay." On Jan- 
uary 27, 1788, the articles of confederation and perpetual imion, 
together with the resolves of Congress, were read in town meet- 
ing, and it was " voted unanimously that they are agreeable." 
No persons were allowed to enter the town or to remain there 
unless recommended by a committee, that they were friendly 
to the United States of America. The families that would 
not be reconciled were banished and their property confis- 
cated, or they were watched and compelled to remain at home. 

These provincial congresses cannot be looked at as individ- 
ual assembhes. Their history and their significance can only 
be appreciated by knowing the history of every town which 
sent representatives to them. All of the county conventions 
and congresses, the committees of safety, and the Continental 
Congress which prepared and issued the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, were inspired by the same spirit, and the majority 
of the people in every town represented the enthusiasm of the 
then two millions of inhabitants of the United States. Not 
that there were not ]3eople who held back and considered the 
Revolution a mistake. There were even people who died in 
the last decade but one who still considered that the separa- 



50 LIFE OF IVIAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1775 tion from England was an error ; but the spirit of revolution 
was abroad and was contagious, and as the most of the people 
came to this country only a few years before to escape the op- 
pressions of tyranny, it was not at aU surprising that they 
should resent them at tliis time. 

On its arrival in Boston Colonel Paterson's regiment served 
nine days as minute-men. It was reorganized and enlarged, 
and on the 15th of June, 1775, was transferred to the Conti- 
nental service, the Second Continental Congress having just 
adopted aU the troops besieging the British in Boston who 
were wiUing to join the army. Colonel Paterson's regiment 
enlisted at once for a period of eight months, but before the 
end of that time most of the men re-enlisted for a longer time. 
The regiments sent by the various counties and States thus 
became the nucleus of the famous Continental Army, of which 
Washington was the commander-in-chief. Colonel Paterson's 
regiment became the 15th Foot in the Continental Infantry 
service. It was stationed about a mile and a half beyond 
Cambridge, and threw up the first redoubt along the lines 
around Boston which tm'ned that city into a besieged town 
by blockading the highways and fortifying the country around. 
The regiment built and garrisoned Fort No. 3 (see map No. 1), 
at Prospect HiU, on Charlestown Heights, directly west of 
Bunker Hill and three miles away from it, in that part of 
Charlestown known as Sommerville. Colonel Paterson con- 
tinued to command this fort until the evacuation of Boston. 
He was expressly ordered by General Ward to man and de- 
fend it at the time of the battle of Bunker HiU, on June 17, 
1775, to prevent the British troops landing and getting in the 
rear of our army. In this they were successful. On the 12th 
of June, General Gage, having completed his fortifications, and 
having under him an army of ten thousand men, issued a proc- 
lamation offering free pardon to every rebel who would lay 
do\^^l his arms and return to his allegiance, except Adams and 
Hancock. In reply, the Committee of Safety ordered a force 
of twelve thousand men to take possession of Bunker Hill. 
On the IGtli, at sunset, they started, and worked at the earth- 



BATTLE OF BUNKER HILL. 51 

works during the niglit. In the morning they were cannon- 1775 
aded by the vessels in the harbor with no effect. It was evi- 
dent they must either be taken in the rear by going round to 
Charlestown Neck by sea and cutting them off — and this is 
what General Ward, the American commander, thought they 
would do — or be taken by assault, and this was finally decided 
on. The British forces started at noon, and at three o'clock 
were ready to storm the intrenchments. When the intelli- 
gence of the landing of the British forces reached Cambridge 
the alarm bells were rung and the drums beat to arms. 
General Ward, who was in command of the American forces, 
had his headquarters at Cambridge. He had only given, after 
much pressure, a reluctant consent to fortify the heights of 
Charlestown. He was fully aware of the imminent danger 
of an attack in his rear by the British, and reserved some 
of his best troops, in whom and in whose officers he could 
have the most implicit confidence, to prepare for the expected 
attack on Cambridge (and among these was Colonel Paterson's 
and Colonel Gardner's regiments), but he ordered the rest to 
Charlestown. Colonel Gardner was ordered to Colonel Pater- 
son's station on Prospect Hill. On the morning of the battle 
General Ward had, against his judgment, but at the earnest 
soHcitation of his officers, sent reinforcements to defend the re- 
doubts on Bunker and Breed's Hills that had been thrown up 
in the night. When later in the forenoon he received a request 
for more reinforcements, he " refused to weaken further the 
main army at Cambridge," on the gi-ound that it was certain 
to be attacked. About eleven o'clock he was prevailed on to 
send reinforcements. When he learned that the British had 
actually landed and that it had become doubtful whether the 
Americans could hold their intrenchments on Breed's and 
Bunker Hills, General Ward ordered forward his own regi- 
ment and those of Paterson and Gardner; but the order 
was given too late to be of any ser^dce, for, ha^dng exhausted 
theu" ammunition and being worn out with the labors of the 
pre^'ious night and the fighting of the day, our forces were 
obhged to abandon the peninsula. During the afternoon 



52 LIFE OF 31AJ0R-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1775 Colonel Paterson was at Jack Tuft's storehouse near to the 
road leading to Milk Row in Cambridge, where the wounded 
from the front were brought. Only one man in his regiment 
was wounded. After the retreat General Ward was very- 
apprehensive that the British, encouraged by their success, 
would advance on Cambridge, and he took every precaution 
against it. But the enemy were too fearful of a reception 
similar to the one they had just received at Bunker Hill 
to undertake it. The actual fighting did not last more than 
an hour. James Otis, who had become harmlessly insane 
from the brutal and causeless attack made on him in Sep- 
tember, 1769, fought in this battle and came out of it un- 
harmed. Those men were not soldiers. Every man was 
fighting for his life and for every right that makes life dear. 
They were determined to preserve at all hazards what rights 
they had. Every man of them had been trained from boy- 
hood never to waste ammunition, so that every officer and 
private was a sharp-shooter, and every bullet told. The Brit- 
ish lost 1054 men, more than one third of the force engaged. 
The Americans lost 449, about one foui'th of those who did 
the fighting. Only one of General Howe's staff sm'\dved his 
wounds. The British took the earthworks at Bunker Hill, but 
the battle belonged to the patriots. A few such victories at 
that time would have destroyed the British army and ended 
the war. In a technical sense the British won the victory, 
but it was a greater victory to the defeated Americans, be- 
cause it taught them the lesson that a body of undisciphned 
men, not even mihtia, fighting for their rights, were capable 
of withstanding the attacks of a disciplined soldiery. 



CHAPTER III. 

SIEGE OF BOSTON TO THE BATTLE OF TRENTON. 

There was much to l3e done after the battle to secm*e the re- 1775 
treat of our forces and to prevent the British from pm*suiug 
the soldiers beyond Charlestown Neck into the open country. 
It was Colonel Paterson's duty to defend Cambridge, which he 
did ; but the British had suffered too heavily to make any fur- 
ther demonstration, and a few days found them besieged in 
Boston as a direct result of their \dctory. The news of what 
was then thought to be the defeat of Bunker Hill reached 
Lenox quickly. The town never had been before, and never 
has been since, lacking in patriotism of the kind that is will- 
ing to sacrifice both life and treasure in defense of liberty, 
and on June 26th two more companies, in addition to those 
already in the field, started from Lenox to join Colonel Pat- 
erson. The hurry with which the troops had left Lenox, 
the impromptu provision that had been made for them, and 
how poorly equipped they were, is shown by the petition and 
letter of Colonel Paterson to the Thn-d Pro\dncial Congi-ess, 
then in session, and his letter to the Committee of Supplies at 

Watertown, given below : 

" Watertown, June 20, 1775.* 

" To the Honorable Proviiieial Congress now sittine/ at Water toirn : 

" Gentlemen : The petition of John Paterson in behalf of his Regi- 
ment Humbly Sheweth that they being now at Head Quarters are put to 
gi'eat Inconvenience and the Hazard of their Health by reason of their 
being destitute of Blankets. The reasons of their not being furnished 
are such as follows : The Men came off upon an Alarm, and the Blankets 
could not be obtained in the Towns tliey came from ; that one of the 
Companies in the Regiment is made up of tlie people who came in from 

* Massachusetts Archives, vol. clxsx., p. 59. 
53 



54 LIFE OF :MAJ0R-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1775 Boston. Your petitioner knows where the Blankets may be had upon 
the Credit of the Province, provided an order is given for it, which your 
petitioner prays may be Immediately done, and your petitioner, as in 
Duty Bound, shall Ever Pray, etc. < , -^^^^ Paterson. " 

"Gentlemex.* the Bearer is a person who understands rigging of 
Guns, & the General ordered me to keep him at the Business, but can- 
not for want of Tools. Should be extremely obliged to you if youed be 
so kind as to direct him in this affair as we have a Number of Guns in our 
Eegiment at present useless 

' ' I am Gentlemen Your 

"Most Obedt. Servt. 

"June 28. 1775 "J- Patekson 

" To the Hon''^ Committee of 

" Supplrjs at Watertown.'''' 

On June 30tli the Committee of Safety ordered forty small- 
arms to be delivered to Colonel John Paterson, which he re- 
ceipted for as follows : 

"June 30, 1775 1 
"Keceived of the Committee of Safety, Forty Small Arms for the use 
of my Eegiment amounting as by Appraisement to Seventyeight pounds, 
sixteen shillings and four Pence which Guns I engage shall be returned 
in good order unless lost in the service of this Colony 

"John Paterson CoUo," 

The request for blankets was complied with on the same 
day ; but unfortunately these representations of the distress 
of the men were not always so promptly heeded, and when 
the fall came, complaints became loud and sometimes led to 
infractions of discipline, and on November 15th Colonel Pater- 
son was ordered, as president of a court-martial, to try soldiers 
engaged in a mutmy in camp. In the light of to-day our 
sympathies are with the men who suffered, though not with 
the unlawful means they took to get redress for then* wrongs, 
for wrongs they were. We are very apt to think that the 
wrong-doing was only on the British side, but as to-day we 
look back on the sufferings of the men in om- own army, who 
had sacrificed everything and failed to get redress for their 

* From the collection of D. McN. Stauffer, New York. 
t Massachusetts Archives, vol. cxl., p. 77. 



PETITIONS TO THE COURT. 55 

wrongs, we ai'e apt to ask the question in wliat light the ac- 1775 
tions of the provinces who rebelled against their king on ac- 
count of wrongs inflicted on them, and for which they could 
obtain by legal means no redi'ess, differed in any way from 
the rebellion of those men against their ofl&cers for wi'ongs 
no less real, which were accompanied with danger to their 
lives. They could obtain no redi-ess by petition, and the pri- 
vations of some of them, which they had willingly endured 
up to this time, cost them their lives. Their heroism was 
shown afterward in many a fight, and their patience in many 
an ill-provided camp. Those who lived saw, or thought they 
saw, the same fate before them. Nothing but the noblest 
patriotism kept them in many cases from desertion to the 
enemy. The Provincial Congress had neglected to forward 
their commissions to those who marched at so short notice 
after the battle of Lexington, and on October 23d Colonel 
Paterson forwarded to the Congi-ess a petition from them, 
stating that they had served as officers from the date of rais- 
ing the regiment, and asking that the commissions be sent. 

" Province of ) To the Honorable Council if House of Representatives 
Massachusetts Bay \ In General Court at TVatertown * Assembled : 

' ' Gentn : The Petition of Us the Subscribers humbly sheweth that we 
have been at part of the Trouble and Expense of raising Several Com- 
panies in the 2Gth Regiment of Foot, Commanded by Colonel John Pat- 
erson, and marching them to Camp, and have served as Officers in said 
Regiment, had encouragement of being Commissioned as such, but 
through Neglect have not yet received said Commissions. We therefore 
Humbly pray this Honorable Court, if they in their great "Wisdom should 
think fit, to grant us commissions accordingly, and your Petitioners as in 
Duty bound shall ever pray, etc. 

" Jedh Sanger 2A Lieut. 

"John McKinstrv Captain 
" A'Mos Porter 2cl Lieut. 
"William Walker Adjutant 
"William Wilkins 2d Lieut. 
"Thom McKinstry 1st Lieut. 
"Jacob Lyon 2d Lieut. 
"John Pennoyer 2d Lieut. 
"Edav. Cumpston 2d Lieut." 

* Massachusetts Archives, vol. clxiv., p. 173. 



56 LIFE OF IMAJOR-GENEEAL JOHN PATERSOX. 

1775 " This may certify that the within-Named Officers have served in their 
respective Offices during the summer past. 

"John Paterson Col 26th Reg. 
" October 23, 1775." 

On the 2(i of Jnly General Washington arrived in Cam- 
bridge, and on the follo^ving day took formal command of 
the army. Up to this time the army besieging Boston was 
composed of 10,000 men under local commanders and then* 
own provincial flags. Ai'temas Ward of Massachusetts was 
by courtesy the commander-in-chief. In this army 11,500 men 
were from Massachusetts, 2300 from Connecticut, 1200 from 
New Hampshire, and 1000 from Rhode Island. The army 
was a local one. A month later the army ceased to be local, 
for Congress sent 3000 men from Pennsylvania, Maryland, 
and Virginia. These men were not soldiers, most of them 
not even militia, but they knew how to use a gun, and were 
practiced hunters. They had been enlisted in the enthusi- 
asm of the moment for various periods, and had almost noth- 
ing except a musket that belonged to a soldier's outfit ; but 
with little to do beyond the ordinary routine of military life, 
and with no fighting, it was wonderful that they could be kept 
together. Out of this material it now devolved on Washing- 
ton to make an army, to find ofiicers for it, and to organize a 
capable staff. Any one of the ofiicers and men knew all about 
the management of a town meeting, but they knew little or 
nothing about military organization. Few armies have ever 
had to struggle with such difficulties. The idea had taken pos- 
session of the people that the war was to be a short one ; con- 
sequently the enlistments were for short periods. The re- 
sult of this idea was that the army had not only to be 
created, but at short periods to be constant^ made over. 
There was no properly organized government, and even Con- 
gress expected battles to be fought and won against some of 
the best drilled troops of Europe liefore this constantly made- 
over army was half drilled. Massachusetts was the first to 
elect a legislature, which was done soon after Washington's 



PETITIONS TO THE KING. 57 

arrival, and she ended her proclamation with, "God save the 1775 
people ! " instead of the usual formula, " God save the King." 
The other colonies followed. Still Congress was unwilhng to 
declare the colonies independent until one more effort had 
been made with the king. They therefore sent delegates to 
act independently so as not to offend the king, for it was 
well known that he would not recognize the colonies as a 
united body ; and while aU the military preparations went on 
about Boston with gi-eat activity. Congress and the people 
waited patiently to hear the result of the petition. Here was 
an armed force in the field, an independent Congress in ses- 
sion, with the sole object of obtaining redress. 

Samuel Adams in 1768 had made up his mind that inde- 
pendence was the only hope of the American people; but 
even Washington himself was not at that time convinced 
that the object of raising the army which he commanded 
was to gain the independence of the colonies. In com'se of 
the month of July Jefferson wi'ote, "We have not raised 
armies with designs of separating from Great Britain and 
establishing independent States. Necessity has not yet di'iven 
us into that desperate measure." The news that the king- 
had determined to hire troops to act against his loyal and 
patient subjects reached Boston on October 31st; the same 
day the news of the burning of Portland also arrived. Con- 
gress determined that they would not wait any longer and 
would send no more petitions to the king, and the people 
supported them. They had determined to garrison Ticonder- 
oga as a matter of precaution ; now they determined on the 
invasion of Canada and to drive out the king's troops, and at 
the same time defy his authority if they could not olitain 
redress. 

On July 22, 1775, the army was di\ided into three grand 
di\'isions consisting of two In-igades each. Colonel Paterson's 
regiment, which then contained 409 men, was in the center of 
the left wing of the third di^dsion, commanded by Major- 
General Putnam. On Julv 22d he was ordered bv General 



58 LIFE OF MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1775 Washington to retain Ms position at Fort No. 3. On Angust 
13th, November 15th, and November 17th Colonel Paterson 
was president of conrts-martial. The conduct of the regiment 
on the 9th of November, 1775, in resisting an attack of the 
British at Lechmere's Point, now West Cambridge, was men- 
tioned with great praise in the general orders by Washington 
on the next day. The tide was so high that it covered the land 
end of the point, and converted it at that time of day into an 
island. The regiment " gallantly waded through the water up 
to their* necks in order to make the attack, and soon obliged the 
enemy to embark under cover of a man-of-war, a floating bat- 
tery, and the fii-e of a battery on Charlestown Neck." * Wash- 
ington said of this action that '' the alacrity of the riflemen and 
officers upon this occasion did them honor, to which Colonel 
Paterson's reghnent and some others were equally entitled." 
The regiment was again shortly afterward praised for its abil- 
ity in resisting the attack of a marauding party at the same 
place, who were supported by the guns of a frigate. 

The regiment was constantly engaged in the siege of Boston 
until it was evacuated. The three regiments commanded by 
Ward, Putnam, and Paterson were declared to be " the flower 
of the Continental Ai-my." On the 28th of December the eight 
regiments then at Cambridge were reorganized, both the men 
and officers having been satisfied that it was wisest to enhst 
for a longer period. 

In October, 1775, the term of enlistment of most of the 
troops had expired, and so many of the men refused to re- 
enlist that Washington's situation at Cambridge was really 
precarious. Fortunately, a knowledge of this did not reach 
the British commander. A committee of the Continental Con- 
gi-ess visited Cambridge on October 22, 1775, and after consul- 
tation with Washington resolved to enlist a new army for 
a year. Colonel Paterson filled his regiment, but the re- 
enhstment was slow in all the regiments. On the whole, the 
ranks were better filled than before. The 1st of January, 

* Letter of General Washington to the president of Congress. 



SIEGE OF BOSTON. 59 

1776, found a new army, and a flag with thirteen stripes. On 1776 
the same day the king's speech to Parliament, declaring that 
"a rebellious war" was carried on to establish an independ- 
ent empii-e, was read in camp, and the issue accepted by the 
Massachusetts troops, who thenceforward commenced to sub- 
stitute for the title "His Gracious Majesty" the epithet of 
" that man George." The idea of independence was accepted 
by the troops then and there assembled, but the idea of loyalty 
was so thoroughly engrafted in the early education of every 
man, woman, and child, that it was not until long after that 
the people as a whole accepted it. 

In January, 1776, the regiment went into barracks on Pros- 
pect Hill. On January 8th it was thought desirable to dis- 
lodge the British who occupied houses in Charlestown below 
Bunker Hill. This was accomphshed between eight and nine in 
the evening, without the loss of a man, the regiment sho^dug 
the gi'eatest prowess, daring, and bravery. On February 3d 
Colonel Paterson presided at a court-martial. On March 12th 
he issued the discharge papers of a number of soldiers : '' This 
certifies that the witliin-named persons were soldiers in my 
regiment until discharged b}^ General Washington. — John 
Paterson, Col." On March 13, 1776, he was one of the field- 
officers. The same day at a council of war " it was concluded 
that, should Boston be evacuated, it would be unnecessary to 
employ the army for the defense of Massachusetts, as its militia 
were adequate for this work." Orders were issued at once 
for the Massachusetts troops to march for New York, but they 
did not march until the 18th. On the 15th a fii'e broke out in 
the regimental barracks, which consumed six rooms and con- 
siderable annnunition. Colonel Paterson took charge of put- 
ting out the fii-e, and showed the greatest bravery and per- 
sonal conrage in doing it. 

On February 27th the ^'ictory of Moore's Creek, N. C, took 
place, with the captiu"e of two thousand stand of arms and 
fifteen thousand pounds in gold, which for the South had the 
same effect as Lexington for the North, and resulted in the 
raising of ten thousand men, so the British dared not attempt 



60 LIFE OF HIAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1776 to get a foothold there. On May 14th Virginia instructed her 
delegates to vote for the declaration that the United Colonies 
were '' free and independent States." On the 1st of March, 
177G, some of the captured cannon and stores from Ticonder- 
oga arrived in Cambridge. On March 4th it was determined 
to fortify Dorchester Heights, and in the night it was done. 
The attention of the British had been drawn away from w^hat 
was going on by a cannonade from Somerville, East Cam- 
bridge, and Roxbury. Wlien, the next morning, Howe saw 
what had been done during the night, he determined to take 
the position, and he ordered an attack ; but a violent storm 
and the recollection of Bunker Hill made them put it off for 
a day, and the position had then become impregnable, and 
Boston could no longer be held. Howe determined to evacu- 
ate, but, as he threatened to burn the town if fired on, he was 
allowed to go unmolested. He left behind him more than 
two hundred cannon, ten times more powder than the army 
had ever seen before, and an immense number of muskets, 
and military stores of all sorts. 

The British evacuated Boston, March 17, 1776. The regi- 
ment marched for New York on the 18th. It was stationed 
for a short time on Staten Island, for the defense of New 
York. Almost the first act of Washington on his arrival in 
New York, on April 13, 1776, was to send four battahons to 
the rehef of the army in Canada, under the command of 
Brigadier-General Thompson, and among these was Colonel 
Paterson's regiment. In order to render the march less fa- 
tiguing, they sailed from New York on April 21st, and went 
up the Hudson to Albany, to be under General Gates. On the 
23d Washington announced the dejDarture of these troops, 
with great pride, to the Continental Congress. Colonel Pat- 
erson's regiment then had six hundred men in fine condition 
and well equipped, but before it arrived in Canada General 
Montgomery had fallen, and Aniold, w^ounded, had retreated 
to Montreal. They were too late to participate in any action 
or share any glory which might ha^'e been won if they had 
arrived sooner, but were in plenty of time to share the suf- 



CANADA CAMPAIGN. 61 

fei'ings of the rest of the troops. Eai-ly in May they were iu 1776 
Montreal, where they suffered severely from the small-pox, 
which made such ravages that on the 7tli of May the whole 
regiment was ordered to be vaccinated. 

John Adams visited the camp, and wi-ote as follows under 
date of July 7, 1776 : 

" Our army at Crown Point is an object of wretchedness enough to 
fill a humane mind with horror : disgraced, defeated, discontented, dis- 
pirited, diseased, naked, undisciplined, eaten u^) with vermin, no clothes, 
beds, blankets, no medicines, no A-ictuals but salt pork and flour. ... I 
hope that measm-es will be taken to cleanse the army at Crown Point 
from the small-pox, and that other measures will be taken in New Eng- 
land, by tolerating and encouraging inoculation, to render the disease 
less terrible." 

The process of inoculation, which had been introduced from 
Turkey by Lady Mary Wortley Montague, consisted of infect- 
ing the patient with the genuine small-pox virus after his 
system had been prepared for it, and by a specific treatment 
afterward. Of com-se there was a very small percentage of 
deaths under the treatment, which needed the most assiduous 
and skillful medical attendance; but in the way small-jjox 
then ravaged the country at frequent intervals it was more 
safe to risk the disease in this form than when encountered 
naturally mthout preparation. But ordinary men fear more 
an immediate certain danger than that which is distant and 
uncertain, although in reality more terril^le. Thus in Berk- 
shire, while Dr. Timothy Childs of Pittsfield, surgeon of Gen- 
eral Paterson's fii'st regiment, had urgently advised inocula- 
tion, the popular prejudice against it was so great that it was 
only possible by great effort sometimes to get the permission 
of a Berkshire town to permit the establishment of a small- 
pox hospital for inoculation. Many of the better informed peo- 
ple of the county protected themselves by this process in a hos- 
pital at Sheffield, and Colonel Paterson was probably among 
them, as he did not suffer from the disease, to which he was 
greatly exposed. In a letter written by General Arnold to 
the Commissioners in Canada, dated Sorel, May 7, 1776, he 



62 LIFE OF BIAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1776 says : " I think it advisable to inoculate Colonel Paterson's 
regiment at Montreal, Colonel Bedel's at the Cedars, and the 
troops posted at La Prairie and Longuiel at Sorel; and to 
send aU the troops at Montreal who have had the small-pox to 
Sorel ; and to send 500 or 600 from Sorel to Montreal, because 
of the difficulty of providing quarters for so many at Sorel." 
By this time they knew that the Canada expedition was hope- 
less, for on May 6th the British fleet appeared in the St. Law- 
rence, reinforcements to the extent of 13,000 men under Bm'- 
goyne had arrived, and retreat was inevitable. 

On May 14th they were stiU in Montreal, waiting for pro- 
visions ; on June 8th Colonel Paterson was at Sorel and had 
only six men fit for duty ; aU the rest were in the hospital 
sick from vaccination. In the disastrous battle of the Cedars, 
fought the last of that month, in which engagement the British 
employed Indians, who butchered in cold blood, the regiment, 
although showing prodigies of valor, lost heavily in killed 
and wounded, and sixty-seven were taken prisoners. In June 
they retreated by way of Crown Point and Ticonderoga. On 
June 28th the battle at Fort Moultrie, S. C, saved that State 
from any further depredations for two years, but it helped 
the other colonies but httle. 

Up to about this time all that had been done was in the 
hope of getting redress. The king had, however, refused to 
receive the delegation sent to hmi, either as rej)resentatives 
of the colonies or as individuals, and had besides hired G-er- 
man soldiers to subdue them ; and this last act was what made 
the immediate declaration of independence possible. The idea 
of separation, even after the wanton bm^ning of Portland on 
October 16, 1775, found few supporters ; but when the news 
of the hii-ing of 20,000 Hessians came, every one was ready for 
it. This act of sending mercenaries against them seems to have 
operated more powerfully than any other single thing on the 
minds of the people, and made them more determined than 
ever to resist. As if to complete the dissatisfaction already 
existing. Parliament also proposed an act closing all Ameri- 
can ports and authorizing the confiscation not only of all 



DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 63 

American ships and cargoes, but those of any neutral nation 1776 
which should dai-e to trade with them as well. It directed 
the commanders of all British vessels to impress all seamen on 
American ships. In March Congress retaliated by opening 
the ports of the colonies to all nations, authorized the issuing 
of letters of marque, and ordered aU Tories who refused to 
contribute to the common defense to be disarmed. This was 
virtually, but not actually, a declaration of war, but Congress 
waited before declaring it for instructions from the colonies. 
The first step was taken by North Carolina on February 27, 
1776, where the xdctory of Moore's Creek had the same effect 
as the battle of Lexington in Massachusetts. Within ten 
days an army of ten thousand militia was raised. They or- 
ganized a Pro\dncial Congress, and instructed the delegates 
in the Continental Congress to act with the other colonies, 
and so all the colonies came into line in a common cause 
against a common enemy. On the 15th of May Congress 
recommended all the colonies to form an independent govern- 
ment and to choose theii" own ; and they acted very promptly, 
and in less than six weeks the governments were formed, 
delegates to the Continental Congress appointed, and in- 
structed to vote for independence. These governments sol- 
emnly promulgated the Declaration of Independence, and then, 
amid the huzzas of the crowds who assembled to hear it, 
solemnly removed the insignia of royalty from all the places 
where the king's authority had been previously recognized, and 
burned them in the public streets amid the acclamations of 
the citizens. New York was the last to accept the Declaration 
of Independence. That State, however, adopted it on July 
9tli, and celebrated the occasion by melting down the leaden 
statue of King George III. on the Bowling Green in New York 
City and casting it into buUets. The Declaration of Inde- 
pendence was made only after eleven years of constant and 
unprovoked irritation. ' So extreme had been the forl)earance 
and determination to l>ear and suffer so long as there was any 
hope of redress, that it was interpreted as a sign of weakness. 
The Revolution was declared to he the intrimie of a few instead 



64 LIFE OF 3L\J0R-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON, 

1776 of the determination of a free people to l^e and to remain free. 
Years before they had wi-itten to Parhament : " We rode out 
the dangers of the seas ; shall we perish in port f " Parlia- 
ment never answered the question, and now they answered it 
themselves by the Declaration of Independence. It was a dec- 
laration that the people were unanimous in the determination 
that Great Britain should abandon her pretended right to im- 
pose taxes and revoke charters, and never in the darkest days 
of the Revolution did one of the States propose to reconsider 
their action. Washington, on taking command of the army 
on July 3, 1775, had raised a flag with thirteen stripes, repre- 
senting the thirteen colonies, but it retained the cross of St. 
George. Wlien on July 4, 1776, the Declaration of Independ- 
ence was received with every sign of joyful approval, as if it 
had been a decree promulgated from heaven, this cross was 
replaced by thirteen stars. 

Ticonderoga and Crown Point had surrendered to us on 
May 11, 1775. It was the strategic center of the whole north 
country, commanding as it does the approaches to the Hudson 
River. On that day the Continental Congress assembled at 
Philadelphia, and two or three days later St. John's also sm-- 
rendered to our forces, but after a siege of fifty days surren- 
dered again to the British on November 3d. These victories 
gave the army great quantities of mihtary stores, guns, and 
cannon. In their retreat from Canada by way of Crown 
Point under the command of General Gates, Colonel Pater- 
son's regiment, which was in the 3d Brigade, occupied and 
strongly fortified Mount Independence, on the other side of 
the bay and opposite to Ticonderoga, and remained there dur- 
ing the summer. On August 24tli Colonel Paterson was put 
in the 2d Brigade. On September 22d he was ordered to 
Fort George. On October 16th he commenced to build bar- 
racks at Fort George and at Stillwater. When Crown Point 
was taken and abandoned by the enemy, Colonel Paterson, who 
had on September 30th been recommended to Congress for 
promotion, was already doing the duty of a general. On Octo- 
ber 16th the army was preparing to build barracks at Fort 



]NL\RCH FROM CANADA. 65 

Georg-e and Stillwater. On October 26th all the brigades were 1776 
ordered to go to him for orders in case of any general alarm. 
The bridge which connected the fort with the mainland was 
broken away by hea\y storms of wind and rain ; bnt after- 
ward, the cold being very great, the lake froze, and the com- 
mnnication was made over the ice. On November 17th the 
regiment was still at Mount Independence, and contained 331 
men fit for duty. After the abandonment of Crown Point 
by the British, General Schuyler, who was in command at 
Ticonderoga, was able to send reinforcements to Washington, 
who was retreating through New Jersey, and among others 
Colonel Paterson's regiment was sent. On November 18th, with 
parole ''The CongTCss" and countersign "Independence," they 
were ordered to embark at Lake George as soon as boats 
could be provided for them. A few days later they left 
there and came down with Gates and his command to Sara- 
toga. On November 2-lth General Gates put his corps un- 
der orders for Albany. The regiments with him,, of which 
Colonel Paterson's was one, did not average more than thi-ee 
hundi-ed men fit for duty, so great had been the ravages of 
disease among them. On November 19th Colonel Paterson re- 
ported 331 men fit for duty in his regiment. They were enlisted 
only until the end of the year. He was short of provisions, and 
was fearful for the safety of Washington. On November 26th 
he left Saratoga for Albany, where he received orders to re- 
inforce General Washington. They left Albany December 3d. 
They were to have gone direct to New Windsor by water, but 
as vessels enough for that i)urpose could not be procured, they 
went to Esopus by sloop ; from there they marched to New 
Windsor. On December 8th they were at PeekskiU. From 
there they went to Goshen, expecting to rendezvous at Sussex 
Court-house on December 14th. They passed through the Min- 
nisink country ; then through Sussex County. On December 
20, 1776, they halted at Morristowu. and then, crossing the 
river at Easton, joined Washington's army, which was retreat- 
ing through New Jersey, at Newton, Penn., on the west bank 
of the Delaware. Colonel Paterson reported with 220 out of 



66 LIFE OF ]MAJOR-GEXERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1776 the 600 men in the well-appointed regiment with which he 
left New York on April 21st for the northern campaign. The 
others had been killed in the varions enconnters, been toma- 
hawked by savages, taken prisoners by the enemy, or had died 
from want of proper care, from the ravages of smaU-pox, or 
from exposm*e. Most of them had no tents and had left their 
homes without any other covering than their ordinary clothing. 
It needed the conviction that they were fighting for a great 
principle to keep any of them alive. There were many widows 
whose husbands had enlisted in that regmient, hoping for a 
short, decisive, but victorious war, and expecting to retui*n to 
their farms when the war was over, but who never reached 
even Newton ; and many were the women left with a family 
of small childi'en who cleared their farms, and, suffering all the 
privations of early settlers, brought up their families, giving 
them good educations and making them lo\dng and dutiful 
children and loyal and useful citizens. Little do the men of 
this generation know what it cost the mves, mothers, and 
daughters of that generation. They do not get the praise, 
but they are entitled to it, for they gave the education in 
great principles and the encouragement to act as brave men 
which made heroes out of their husbands, sons, and brothers ; 
while their names are lost, the great principles which they 
sowed have taken root all over the world. There is no honor 
too gi'eat to be shown to those wives, mothers, daughters, and 
sisters. Yet how little we hear of the women of the Ameri- 
can Revolution. The influence which the women of that time 
had upon political events cannot be overestimated. The pri- 
vations and dangers and sufferings came to them in a much 
more \'i\dd way than they came to the soldiers, for they at least 
had the solace of excitement, while the women had no such 
stimulus to aid them. But they were as patriotic as the men. 
The mothers urged their sons, the wives their husbands, and 
the daughters their brothers, to join in this great movement for 
a free government, in the full realization that, whatever they 
might suffer, their descendants woidd reap the benefits, which 
could not be estimated. 



CHAPTER IV. 

FROM TRENTON TO VALLEY FORGE. 

Those December days of 1776 were days of great diseoiir- 1776 
ageinent. Fort Washington had been taken by the British 
on November 16th. It was one of the worst blows of the 
whole war. In full retreat, General Lee, who was then con- 
sidered the best officer of the army, was a prisoner. The 
army had been defeated in the northern campaign. Canada 
had been abandoned. Many of the men had lost heart ; they 
were discouraged and homesick. The terms of enlistment of 
most of the men were exph-ing, so that in about ten days he 
would have only 1400 men, miserably provided for, and many 
of them were unwiUing to re-enlist. The war had opened two 
years before with the enthusiasm which can only be generated 
by the comdction that there are great wrongs to be redi-essed, 
or great rights to be asserted. Money was raised without 
trouble, men enlisted of theii' own accord, were urged to en- 
list by then- -wives, daughters, or sweethearts, or were com- 
pelled to enlist by public sentiment. The war was to be short ; 
patriotism and self-sacrifice were to be triumphant ; the coun- 
try was to emerge soon from a gi*eat struggle, and to become 
at once prosperous. This was the ideal ; but when, after 
months of toil, sacrifice, and suffering, it was plain that the 
war was to continue for no one could teU how long, it became 
difficult to procure men. Values, which are so sensitive in 
the face of uncertainties, feU; prices rose. The contractor 
grew rich, the patriot liecame poor. Those who had been car- 
ried away by the enthusiasm of the moment, or who had been 

67 



68 LIFE OF JIAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1776 forced to be patriotic from fear of public opinion, gi-ew tii-ecl 
of the war. It was already a failure, they said, and " the peace 
at any price " party began to be powerful. This was the hour 
of trial, and the real patriots, such as Washington, General 
Paterson, and thousands of others, became stronger in their 
devotion to their country than ever before. General Lee began 
to coiispu'e, and the arguments and trials which make traitors 
Hke Arnold and Lee were in full force. Under these very dis- 
couraging circumstances Washington determined on a most 
brilliant project, which saved the army and that campaign. The 
British were in v^dnter quarters, comfortably settled, and could 
not be easily called together on any sudden alarm. The Hes- 
sians were on the east bank of the Delaware. Lord Cornwallis, 
sure that " there was no spirit left in the rebel army," had asked 
leave of absence, to retiu'n to England. Washington had be- 
tween 5000 and 6000 men fit for ser\dce, and with these he pro- 
posed to cross the river at different points and attack the Hes- 
sians. He seized all the boats he could use for many miles up 
and down the river, and those he could not use he destroyed, 
and made the crossing on Christmas Eve in a heavy storm. 
Paterson's regiment crossed the river with 170 men present 
for duty. It was in St. Clair's brigade, which was the re- 
serve on the river road, and in Sidlivan's command. Wash- 
ington had selected his best officers to go with him, and 
with only 2400 men in his whole command, many of whom 
failed to join him on account of the cold and the wind, in a 
storm of hail and snow, on Christmas Day, routed the British 
forces completely. He gave his soldiers the countersign *' Vic- 
tory or Death." He took nearly 1000 prisoners and 32 officers. 
He went back after the battle to the west side of the river. 
The Hessians, who were hated in New Jersey on account of the 
outrages they had committed there, were sent at once to Penn- 
sylvania. The others were guarded and kindly treated. On 
the 29th the troops recrossed the river to the east side. 
Owing to the ice in the river, the crossing occupied two days. 
They were at the end of the year. The time of enhstment of 
the best troops was up. In the face of the enemy, in im- 



BATTLE OF PRINX'ETON. 69 

minent danger, they were persuaded to re-enlist. The days 
that were lost in the crossing and recrossing of the Delaware 
had given the enemy time to coUeet their forces. Lord Corn- 
wallis was advancing on Trenton with 7000 or 8000 men. 
Washington could not retreat -without destroying all hope of 
future success. He could only collect 3600 men. He stationed 
himself on the east side of the Assanpink Eiver at a small stone 
bridge. See Map No. 3. Lord Cornwallis advanced to tliis 
point, but was so harassed and delayed by the condition of the 
roads that he did not reach it until nearly sunset of January 
2, 1777. He at once commenced a brisk fii-e over the river, 
wliich he kept up until dark, but was repeatedly repidsed in 
his attempts to cross, and when night came both parties 
rested, waiting for the decisive action of the next day. Our 
forces were in a desperate state. There was only a small 
stream, which was easily fordable in several places, between 
them and a much superior force. To risk a general action 
was to insure defeat. Retreat over the Delaware was impos- 
sible on account of the ice. There was no way l3ut to go 
forward. The weather in the morning had been so mild that 
a thaw had set in, Init toward night it froze hard. Keeping 
up all the appearances of fortifying the camp -wdtliin sight of 
the British with much noisy demonstration on theii* river- 
front, the army was moved, in the middle of the night, toward 
Princeton. The 17th, 40tli, and 55th British regiments were 
stationed at Princeton. See Maj^ No. 3. During the day 
CornwaUis sent for the 17th and 55th regiments to reinforce 
his troops. The 17tli had left Princeton for that purpose, and 
the 55th was preparing to leave when they were attacked by 
our troops. Generals Sterling and St. Clair, and Colonels Poor, 
Paterson, and Reed, advanced on the 55th (British) regiment, 
which could only retreat toward Trenton. Being closely 
pressed by our forces, the 55th occupied a position on the 
high sloping ground immediately south of Nassau Hall, of 
the College of New Jersey, where a ra\ine separated them 
from the Americans. The latter gained the main street in 
front of the college, the doors of the building were forced, 



70 LIFE OF MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1777 and the 55tli and -iOth (British) regiments attempted to escape 
to New Brunswick, from which place Cornwallis's movement 
against Trenton had been made, but after a very short but 
severe engagement were captured. 

In this fight of January 3d, known as the battle of Prince- 
ton, Colonel Paterson and his regiment acted with distin- 
guished bravery. Lord Cornwallis felt so sure of an easy vic- 
tory in the morning that he rested on the east bank of the 
river, and had gone to sleep on the evening of January 2d in 
perfect secui'ity, certain that early on the followdug day he 
would capture the whole of the American army and have the 
glory of having completely crushed the rebellion. On the 
morning of January 3d he found the army gone, and by noon 
of that day he was in the greatest anxiety for fear that all of 
his stores at Brunswick were in great danger and perhaps cap- 
tured, and he retreated in hot haste, without even an engage- 
ment, to find his supplies were safe, but his prestige gone. 
The British were completely routed, and lost over 100 men in 
kOled and wounded, and 230 were taken prisoners, including 
14 officers. The American loss was very much smaller. 

That was a memorable week. In eight days two famous vic- 
tories were gained over a larger force by superior generalship. 
These battles of Trenton and Princeton prevented Lord Corn- 
wallis from going in person to England 'Ho inform the king 
and assure the government that the colonies were substan- 
tially subdued and the rebellion suppressed." How badly 
he was mistaken he afterward found out to his cost, for on 
the 19th of October, 1781, he sm-rendered his own sword to 
Washington. 

On the 22d Major Vose was appointed to the command of 
his regiment as colonel, but travel was slow in those days, 
and orders were still issued to John Paterson as colonel. 

" State op Massachusetts Bay, 

"Council Chamber, March 1, 1777. 
" Ordered that the Commissary General be and he hereby is directed 
to deliver Major Vose for the Use of the Men inlisted in the Eegiment 
whereof Jhn Paterson is Colo thirty Seven Fire Arms & accoutrements 



Map Vo .5. 




A STANDING ARMY. 71 

Said Vose giving a Receipt for the same and to be accountable for said 1777 

Arms with their Accoutrements at the Rate of four Pounds ten Shillings 

for each Arm. 

" Jno Avery Dpy Secy " * 

Up to this time there had been no attempt on the part of 
Congress to create a regular army. There had always been 
in the minds of the people an intense prejudice against it. 
The fear that a i-egiilar army was to be quartered on them by 
the British Government had been one of the points that the 
people had resisted. The enlistments had been made only 
for short periods, and so much difficulty had been caused 
by the expiration of their terms and their re-enlistment that, 
on the earnest representation of Washington, Congress deter- 
mined now to enhst men for the war and to receive no enlist- 
ment for a term of less than three years. Colonel Paterson 
had been eminently successful in re-enhsting his men, and 
was again commissioned to raise a regiment. Sixty-six thou- 
sand ]nen were apportioned to the diiferent States, but the 
enhstnients fell short of that number. The men enlisted were 
to serve for three years without bounty, or were to serve dur- 
ing the war and secure at the end of it one hundi*ed acres 
of land ; but even this inducement was not always sufficient. 
These measures created a standing army. 

Colonel Paterson had shown such ability in Canada that 
on the 30th of September, 1776, General Gates had recom- 
mended him to Congress as a very "deserving officer and 
worthy of the special notice of that body." Washington had 
also urged his promotion. The promotion was slow in being 
made. 

On November 30, 1776, Colonel Paterson had been assigned 
to one of the new Massachusetts regiments, with rendezvous at 
Springfield, at which place he had been ordered to be with his 
officers and men on January 1, 1777, and to wait there for or- 
ders as to which army he should join ; but the events of Christ- 
mas Day, 1776, and the battles of Trenton and Princeton, 

Massachusetts Archives, vol. clxxiii., p. 115. 



72 LIFE OF MAJOR-GEXERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1777 sliowed that he was too vahiable a man to be kept in a subor- 
dinate position, and the order, so far as he was concerned, 
was never executed. 

Congress, on the 16th of February, 1777, promoted him to 
the rank of brig-adier-general. He was commissioned on the 
21st, and assigned to the northern department. 

In April the following resolve was passed relating to his 
successor : 

' ' State of Massachusetts Bay 

"In the House of Represeutatives April 22 1777 This House made 
choice by ballot of Joseph Yose as Colonel of one of the fifteen Bat- 
tallions to be raised in the State in the room of Coll. Paterson who is 
promoted 

" Sent up for concurrence 

"J Warren Speaker * 
"In Council April 22 1777 
" Rsvd & concurred 

" Jno Avery Dpy Secy." 

General Paterson went at once to Ticonderoga. General 
Gates sent an aide-de-camp to Bennington with a letter, ex- 
pecting to meet him there, but he writes from Albany, under 
date of April 23d, that, to his amazement, General Paterson 
had used such dispatch that he had gone on to Ticonderoga 
alone. From the plots of the Tories, he says that he considers 
Albany and the different magazines between that city and 
Lake George need more troops, t General Paterson arrived 
in good time at Ticonderoga, and was there in St. Clair's divis- 
ion, engaged in fortif\dng it and Mount Independence. The 
regiment which he had commanded had had but a poor sup- 
ply of arms, and on March 1st an order in council was given 
for arms to be sent, but on April 2d there were still 250 men 
in the regiment who had none. That they were destitute of 
other necessaries appears from a letter from Ticonderoga, 
written on May 2d, and addi-essed to the president of the 
council, as follows : 

* Massachusetts Archives, vol. ecxiii., p. 332. 
t Massachusetts Archives, vol. cxc\ai., p. 5. 



TICONDEROGA. 73 

" To the President of Council : * 

"Gentlemen : The many Difficulties this Garrison labors under will, I 
flatter myself, be a sufficient Excuse for my troubling you with this. 

" The Soldiers are chiefly destitute of Blankets, some are without Shoes 
or Stockings, etc., etc., the want of which renders it extremely Difficult, 
indeed almost impracticable, to keep up the Necessary Duty, such as 
Scouting, Guarding, Fatigue, etc., which in this rainy, cold Climate you 
must be sensible is not only tedious, but very detrimental to the Health 
of the Army unless supplied with these very necessary articles. 

"The Garrison is at present very weak, not more than Nineteen Hun- 
dred Men sick and well, this Number composed of Soldiers, Carpenters, 
Seamen on board the Fleet, Blacksmiths, Armorers, etc. ; the Men, there- 
fore, are continually on Duty of some sort — Numbers of them now des- 
titute of shoes, and by far the greater part without Blankets — must 
therefore beg of you. Gentlemen, that we may be speedily supplied. 

"The Stores of Rum, Sugar, etc., from Massachusetts State were ex- 
hausted before ray arrival at this place ; it will be very necessary that we 
have at least a small supply of those Articles for the Sick which are now 
in Camp. 

"I think it of Great Importance that the Troops destined for the De- 
fense of this Post be sent without Delay. We have had no late intelli- 
gence from Canada, but from their seeming Supineness it is generally 
believed they are meditating and preparing for some important Stroke. 

"General Wayne, before he left this place, wrote desiring the Militia 
of the county of Berkshire and the Hampshire Grants to reinforce him, 
but the Disturbances at Albany have taken them that way. 

" The Work necessary to put this place in a proper State of Defense is 
far from being complete, but I am pushing it on as fast as the Debilitated 
State of the Garrison Avill permit. 

"I am, Gentlemen, Your Honors' most Obedient and humble Servant, 

"John Patekson. 

" TiCONDEROGA, May 2, 1777. ■" 

On the 19tli of May things still appear to be in a very un- 
favorable condition, as is sho-s\Ti by the following letter : 

"TicoxDEROGA May 19. 1777 

■^'To Yc HonUe Genii Court of the Massachusetts State or to the Honhle 
Council.'^ 

"I beg Leave to Inform your Hours That I have repaired to tliis place 
and Informed myself of the State of the Army And find them in Toler- 
able good Health & In high Spirits, considering they are in want of 

* Massachusetts Archives, vol. cxcvii., p. 12. 
t Massachusetts Archives, vol. cxc^ai, p. 59. 



74 LIFE OF ]\L\J0R-GENERA1. JOHN PATERSON, 

1777 almost Everything but meat & Bread & peas that is good. But Distress 
for want of Comfortable Stores. There is News that is Credited that the 
Stores & the Genii House at St Johns is Consumed by fire In our favor 
by kind Providence Your favour p. me is very kindly Reed & your care 
for them His Hon. Genii Paterson Coll Marshall & others in Rank have 
wrote I do not find but that the Commsy Majr Smith bears a good 
character 

"I omit writing particulars in as much as Gentlemen has wrote, That 
feels for themselves & Soldiers By reason of uncommon Rain & mud be- 
yond expression It is Difficult moving Stores But there must be no 
delay 

' ' Only Beg leave to Subscribe your Hours most Obedt Humble Servt 

"Asa Douglas." 

On the Both of June General Paterson wrote to Congress 
on behalf of Captain Goodrich ; 

" Honorable Gentlemen : Capt William Goodrich who was taken pris- 
oner at Quebeck Winter before last, and since redeemed by Exchange 
has been since the first of March last, doing duty as Majr of Brigade to 
the Brigade under my Command, and as he has not a Commission as 
Majr of Brigade this is to request you would please to order one made 
out for him. 

" Your Compliance will oblige 

" Honorable Gentlemen Your most Obedt and verry Hble Servt 

" John Paterson. 
"■'To the Honorable Council. 
" TicONDEROGA, June 3, 1777. " 

"In Council Jime 26, 1777 Read & ordered that Capt Wm Goodrich 
be commissioned as a Major of the Brigade whereof John Paterson Esq 
is Brigadier. " Jno Avery Dpy Secy." * 

On the 9th of June General Gates, who had been in com- 
mand, left, and General Schuyler succeeded him. He at once 
ordered all the forts to be put into the best condition for ser- 
vice, and appealed to the States to forward their miUtia, and 
on the 20th made a personal inspection of the f)ost, as he con- 
sidered it to be in a dangerous position, not only because of 
the unsatisfactory condition in which he found the army, who 
were in need of all kinds of supplies, but also because they 
were not in a proper state of discipline. The troops were not 

* Revolutionary Rolls, vol. xxvi., p. 264. 



BRITISH PLAN OF CA^IPAIGX. 10 

numerous enough to hold out against any protracted siege. 1777 
The whole garrison in both places was, including artisans and 
900 militia-men, only 2546 men. On July 2d General Pat- 
erson was officer of the day. 

It was necessary for the British, both from a commercial 
and a mihtary point of view, to obtain the complete control 
of New York State. The population was not large, and there 
were many royahsts among the people. Its complete subju- 
gation, it was thought, would have such a moral effect on the 
other provinces as to cause them to surrender, while its niih- 
taiy occupation would give them control of the great water- 
ways and access to Canada. It was thought at first that it 
would be an easy task, but after Carleton's retreat from Crown 
Point, which enabled Schuyler to reinforce Washington "with 
such disastrous results to the British, they thought in 1777 to 
work out a plan which would be more successful. They now 
held Canada and New York Island, and in order to secure the 
rest of the State by attacking it from three points at once, 
Colonel St. Leger was to go to Oswego and reduce Fort Stan- 
Avix, and then come down the Mohawk valley ; Burgoyne was 
to come down Lake Champlain, take Albany and Hudson, and 
all the points on Lake Champlain and hold them, and then 
join his forces with St. Leger's ; Sir William Howe was to 
come up the Hudson and join the others, and with this united 
force of 80,000 men it Avas supposed that the capture of New 
York State would be complete. The idea that the plan could 
fail from any cause does not appear to have entered the minds 
of the English ministry. Its success depended on its being 
carried out perfectly, and on junctions being effected by the 
three commanders. Unconditional orders were prepared early 
in the year for the three commanders, and were received by 
St. Leger and Burgoyne, but not by Howe. St. Leger started 
as ordered, and met with a disastrous defeat, the news of which 
reached Burgoyne just after the battle of Bennington ; but he 
had no choice but to move south, expecting to be reinforced by 
Howe coming north. General Lee, who had been taken prisoner, 
commenced a series of traitorous intrigues with the Howes, 



76 LIFE OF IVIAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

which, however, came to nothing. As Sir William Howe had 
no unconditional orders he felt himself at liberty to execute 
any maneuver that seemed to him to be wise. He thought it 
best, to insure the success of his own plans, to start south in 
order to capture Washington's army in New Jersey, and he put 
off the carrying out of the expedition to the north until he had 
captured it. He was convinced that he would then have plenty 
of time to go up the Hudson. Washington's superior strategy 
foiled his efforts, although he had only 8000 men and the British 
had 18,000. In the meantime Howe heard of the capture of Ti- 
conderoga, and felt satisfied that Burgoyne could take care of 
himself, and set sail for Philadelphia, with the result of the 
defeat of Washington both at the Brandj-^^ine and at German- 
town, but these victories made it impracticable for him to go 
to BurgojTie. He received in August the unconditional order 
to move north to the support of Burgoyne, but it was impossi- 
ble for him to go then, and if it had been possible, he could 
not have reached the Hudson in time to cooperate ■v\'itli him. 
Burgoyne's orders left him nothing to do but to move south. 
Early in June he took the field with an army of 7900 men. 
He had with him some of the ablest officers and best-drilled 
troops in the British army, and was confident of success. 

On the second anniversary of the battle of Bunker Hill, Gen- 
eral Burgoyne began to cross the lake to Cro\^ii Point. On July 
1st he was before Ticonderoga. As our position at that place 
had become very dangerous, at a council of war held on June 
20th application was made to Washington for reinforcements, 
which did not arrive, and on July 5th it was decided to abandon 
the position. Ticonderoga had been fortified with the gi-eatest 
care and was considered impregnable, but the key to the whole 
situation had been neglected. It was a crag which rises 600 feet 
above the lake, about a mile south of the fort, and which com- 
manded it. It was so difficult of access that no one thought 
it could be fortified. The possibility of its being occupied by 
the enemy does not appear to have been even contemplated. 
As the British surround the fort the garrison look forward to 
an assault. The officers and men were confident that they could 



EVACUATION OF TICONDEROGA. 77 

maintain tlieii' ground until the expected reinforcements ar- 
rived, but on the morning- of July 5th the red coats of the 
British soldiers appeared on the top of this crag, and their 
Itrass cannon glistened in the sun. They named the crag Fort 
Defiance. Tieouderoga had thus, imperceived by our forces, 
been tui'ned into a trap. There was to be no fighting ; Ticon- 
deroga was ah'eady practically taken by the British. There 
was nothing to do but to evacuate as quickly as possible. Early 
in the morning, at a council of war at which all the command- 
ing officers were present, the position was declared untenable. 
General Paterson was present at both of these councils. 
On the 6th of July both forts were evacuated, with the effect 
of making the enemy, both at home and abroad, again con- 
fident that the ''rebellion" would soon be put down, "as 
this oversight on the part of the Americans in not forti- 
fying so commanding a position showed that they had no 
capable men." It was exactly the same mistake that the 
British general (Howe) made in neglecting to fortify Dor- 
chester Heights in 1775. The evacuation was effected during 
the night as well as the hurried preparations would permit. 
It was made known to the British by the accidental setting 
th'e to a house in the vei-y earl}^ morning, which discovered to 
them the rear-guard of the American army. In less than an 
hour the British occupied the empty fortress with a thousand 
men. But for the gi'eat activity of General Burgoyne the 
American army would have come off without harm, but he 
divided his forces and harassed them in every direction. Gen- 
eral Fraser with 900 men at once started in pursuit. He was 
followed in a few hours by Riedsdale, while Burgoyne started 
up the lake with the main army. On the morning of the 7th 
the rear-guard of 1000 men of the American army was over- 
taken six miles behind the main army at Hubarton (Hubard- 
ton, Rutland Co., Vt.). An obstinate fight ensued, in which 
the British were at first repulsed, but when the Hessian rein- 
forcements came up under Riedsdale the Americans were 
defeated with the loss of one third of their number. General 
Paterson's brigadier-major (Bement) was wounded and taken 



78 LIFE OF JIAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1777 prisoner iu this fight. It was a serious loss to the Americans, 
but it cheeked the pursuit, and five days later the retreating 
army reached Fort Edward and joined the main army under 
Schuyler. On July 12th General Paterson reported at Fort 
Edward. 

" At a Coimcil of General Officers held at Fort Edward tlie 20th day of 

July 1777 

"Present 

" Major General Schuyler 
" Major General St Clair 
" Brigadier General Nixon 
"Brigadier General Poor 
" Brigadier General Paterson 
"Brigadier General Learned 
" Brigadier General Ten Broeck 
" Brigadier General Fellows 

"General Schuyler informed the Council that applycation had been 
made to him by several of the officers of the Militia to return to their 
Habitations. He also laid before the Council the Examination of Colonel 
Cilley's Son and a servant of General Poor sent in by the Enemy and those 
of two Soldiers of the 21st Eegiment who were made prisoners by one of 
our Scouts about Six miles below Fort Ann. After reading this informa- 
tion General Schuyler begged the sense of the Council upon the following 
Questions. 

" 1st Whether in our present situation and that of the Enemy at Skenes- 
borough it would be prudent to dismiss any of our Militia ? 

"2dly If that measure is thought prudent, what proportion of the Mili- 
tia ought to be discharged? 

"3dly What will be the most eligible mode of discharging part of 
them, so as not to give too much umbrage to such as shall be ordered to 
remain ? 

" 4thly Whether, if it must be thought expedient to dismiss part of the 
Militia, any of the Militia of the County of Hampshire in the State of 
Massachusetts Bay, and of the County of Litchfield in the State of Con- 
necticut which are just come up, and which the General is informed, are 
only Drafts and not the whole Force of those Counties, should be suffered 
to return ? 

" On the first and second questions, the Council are of opinion that 
altho' the Army is already inferior to that of the least number of the 
Enemy, of which we have an account yet, considering the distress that 
may be brought on the Country, at this very critical Time when the Har- 
vest is so near at hand should the whole of the Militia be detained, and 



EVACUATION OF TICONDEROGA. 79 

in hope that a reinforcement of Continental Troops will be sent up ; that 1777 
one half of the Militia be permitted to return Home. 

"On the third Question the Council recommend that the Brigadier 
Oenerals of Militia together with their Field Officers, adopt such meas- 
ures as shall appear best adapted to answer the purpose : 

" Upon the fourth Question the Council are unanimously of opinion 
that the Militia of the County of Hampshire in the Massachusetts Bay 
and those of the State of Connecticut should be detained and that Gen- 
eral Schuyler write to the President of the State of Massachusetts Bay 
for a Belief of those Counties of Berkshire & Hampshire that will be left 
here and for a reinforcement of not less than one thousand Rank and 
File from the state of Connecticut. " ph Schuyler 

"Ar St. Clair 
" John Nixon 
"Enoch Poor 
"John Patterson 
" Ebenzr Learned 
"John Fellows 
" Abram Ten Broeck " * 

"Fort Miller 27th July 1777 
*' To the Honerdble Council and Honerable House of Representatives of the 

Massachusetts State \ 
"May it please your Honors. 

"On the Sad & MelanchoUy Sixth Instant I with the army Left Tieon- 
deroga and Next Morning upon ad\T.ce first from General Paterson & 
Other lower Officers and also from General St Clair — after Certain In- 
formation that the Enemy followed and Overtook our Boats, before Some 
Arrived to Skeensborough &c. by which means I lost my all (Money only 
Excepted) I Left the Army at Castleton Soon after was Informed that 
The Enemy were Come to Fort George Therefore what of our Stores 
were left There I concluded must be Lost. Therfore Judged it my duty 
to Return Lodge the Money Procure Invoices and return Back which I 
accomplished with Mr. Breck at Northampton & returned. On my return 
Found the Enemy had not Visited Fort George. — Nevertheless the Stores 
left at Fort George by Mr "Wright were brought off with the Continental 
Stores in Such Haste, that no proper Distinction was kept. I have Till 
Yesterday Improved my Time Industriously to Search out & Secure the 
States Property, with some, tho' Little Success. Beg Leave Further to 
Inform your Honors, that upon Application to General Schuyler to Ena- 
ble me to Take into Custody what I might find of the property of the 
Massachusetts State, he was pleased to Order as Follows \\z 

* Massachusetts Archives, vol. cxlvi., p. 398. 
t Massachusetts Archives, vol. cxevii., p. 348. 



80 LIFE OF liL^JOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1777 " 'Sir you are to take into your Care all the Liquors & Other Stores 
which you may find on the Ground Belonging to the State of Massachu- 
setts Bay — & are to Issue no Liquors without An Order from Head Quar- 
ters you will make a retui-n of the Quantity you have on Hand. 

" ' James "Wilkinson D. A. General. 
" ' Head Quarters, July 25, 1777. 
•'' To Majr Smith.' 

" Now may it please your Honors after I Ree'd the Afore Mentioned 
Orders I made Search & found Two Hdds Rum (not Full) one Hdd Sugar 
Four bbs Ginger one bl Oatmeal one bi peper (much out) then Through 
Discouragement gave out and Applied to General Schuyler Intreating his 
Honor not to Interfere in his Orders with the Orders of my Constituents 
(as no man can Serve Two Masters) Much was said on the Subject. 
I Tho't I did my duty on the Occasion General Paterson being present 
was not Wanting but did his part According to his Much Better Abilities 
But to no (appearance) of Effect — The General (no doubt) is determined 
in the affair as also Brigadier General Poor from New Hampshire State 
Appeared Resolutely determined to Obtain if possible an Eaquel privi- 
ledge with General Paterson or any Gentlemen from our State as The' 
these Stores were the property of the Continent Beg Leave Farther to 
Inform your Honors that I did Most Earnestly Entreat General Schuyler 
not to Force me in Between Two hot fires but if His was determined (as 
Before Mentioned) to take the Stores out of my Hands & dismiss me, or 
Confine me, or any Thing his Honor pleased, Rather than Compell me to 
Violate my Trust & my Orders Ree'd Much was Argued on the Subject 
more than I can relate in my pi'esent Hurry. The General was Generous 
to me in Everything but his Fixed purposes I therefore Judged it my In- 
dispensable duty to Report to your Honors & Humbly beg direction Ear- 
nestly Intreating for direction as Soon as Possible — Meantime beg leave 
to give it as my Humble Opinion (from what I see & Hear) that the Regi- 
ment from our State would be less dissatisfied to have Nothing sent Them 
or all the Stores (Clothing Excepted) Removed back rather than to have 
those of Other States have an Eaqual Right with t^hem or Possibly Obtain 
Privilidge Beyond Them. 

" Pray your Honors to send me directions by the Bearer or by such 
hand as your Honors may appoint, as I Stand in great Need to know how 
to Conduct in my present Situation, Would only Inform that an Attack is 
hourly Expected from the Enemy, our Army are now Between Fort Ed- 
ward and Fort Miller 

" Have the Honor to be your Honors 

"Obedient Servant 

"Hezb Smith."* 

* Massachusetts Archives, vol. cxevii., p. 348. 



EVACUATION OF TICONDEROGA. 81 

On July 28tli General Paterson was at Moses Creek camp 1777 
at a court-martial. On August 1st he bad reached Saratoga. 

No one was prepared for the shock which the evacuation of 
Ticonderoga caused. The people had been made to beheve that 
the position was impregnable. The news of its loss made many- 
feel that there was no use to continue the struggle. It was a 
bitter disappointment to the army, whose hopes in the North 
were centered on that fortress. It was a great mortification to 
Congress, for that body had gained great prestige by the way 
the fortress had been captured, and it was hoped by holding 
the fort to gain support both at home and abroad. Subse- 
quent events, however, proved that its capture did not help the 
British in the least, for, to hold it, Burgoyne had to detach a 
large part of his force which he could not spare, and he was 
obliged subsequently to abandon it. Burgoyne now moved 
forward rapidly. On July 10th he had reached the head 
of Lake Champlain, and on July 30th, notwithstanding the 
fact that the roads were torn up by Schuyler, he was at 
F<^)rt Edward. It was a rapid march, and he was confident of 
capturing tlie whole of the American army. On August 1st 
Congress, b}' a vote of eleven States, superseded Major-Oen- 
eral Schuyler by Major-General Gates, who took command 
on the 19th of August. All the generals were ordered "to 
repair to headquarters that an inquiry be made as to the rea- 
sons for the evacuation." The acts and resolutions of Con- 
gress are given below : 

" In Congress, 29 July 1777 * 
^^ Resolved 

" That an enquiry be made into the reasons of the evacuation of Ti- 
conderoga & Mount Independence & into the conduct of the general offi- 
cers, who were in the Northern department at the time of the evacuation. 

•' That a committee be appointed to digest & report the mode of con- 
ducting the enquiry. 

"July 30 
' 'Eeaolred 

" That Major General St Clair who commanded at Ticonderoga & Mount 

Independence forthwith to Head Qxiarters 

* Massachusetts Archives, vol. ccxiv., p. 444. 



82 LIFE OF ]\IAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1777 "August 1st. 

"Besolved 

" That Major General Schuyler be directed to repair to Head Quarters 

" That general Washington be directed to order such general-officer as 

he shall think proper, immediately to repair to the Northern department 

to relieve Major General Schuyler in his command there 

"That brigadier Poor, brigadier Patterson & brigadier Roche De Fur- 

noy be directed to repair to Head Quarters. 

"August 3rd 
"Whereas it is represented to Congress that general Washington is of 
opinion that the immediate recall of all the brigadiers from the Northern 
department may be productive of inconvenience to the publick service ; 

' 'Eesolved 

"That the order of Congress of the 1st day of this month respecting 
the said brigadiers, be suspended, until general Washington shall judge 
it may be carried into effect with safety 

' ' By order of Congress 

"John Hancock Presidt" 

"In Congress, 27 August 1777 
"Congi'ess took into Consideration the report of the Committee on the 
Mode of conducting the Enquiry into the Causes of the Evacuation of 
Ticonderoga and Mount-Independence ; and into the Conduct of the Gen- 
eral-officers in the Northern Department at the time of the Evacuation : 
Whereupon 

*' Besolved 

"That a Committee of three Members of Congress be appointed and 
authorized to correspond with Publick Bodies and Private Persons, by 
Letter or otherwise, in this and the neighbouring States, in order to col- 
lect the clearest and fullest Evidence of the State of the Army in the 
Northern Department, and also of the State of the Troops, military Stores 
and Provisions, at the said Posts before and at the Time when, the Evac- 
uation was determined upon : 

"To examine the Minutes of the Council of War and to inquire what 
Orders were given from Time to Time, by the Commander in Chief of that 
Department : 

" To inquire particularly if the Barracks and Stores were destroyed, or 
left standing. 

"To inquire of the Quarter-master general and Commissary-general 
what Quantity of Provision had been laid up at Ticonderoga, or near it, 
for the use of the Garrison ; and what Measures were taken or taking for 
throwing further supplies. 

"To inform themselves, as fully as possible, of the Number, Appoint- 



EVACUATION OF TICONDEROGA. 83 

ment and Movements of the Enemy, from the Time of their Landing to 1777 
the Time of evacuating the Fort ; and also the Number, Quality and 
Condition of the Garrison ; and if any and what Measures were taken to 
gain Intelligence of the Strength of the Enemy, by the Commander in 
Chief or the Commanding-officer at Ticonderoga. 

" To inquire of the Clothier General what Clothing from Time to Time 
had been issued for the Use of the Northern Department, and from other 
publick officers into the Expenditure of such general stores. 

"To inquire into the Number, Equipment and Behaviour of the Mili- 
tia, and the Term of Service for which they were engaged at and before 
the Time of the Evacuation; into the Situation and Condition of the 
Lines at Ticonderoga and the Fortifications upon Mount Independence, 
what Works had been thrown up by the Enemy, what Posts they had 
taken, and the Distance of their Works : what Orders had been given by 
the Commanding Officer for directing and regulating a retreat, and the 
manner in which the retreat was conducted ; what Orders were given 
relative to the Sick and what Care was taken of them ; whether any Con- 
tinental Troops and what Number were at Albany, or in the Neighbour- 
hood ; how long they had been there and why they were not ordered to 
Ticonderoga. 

" To inquire into the Number and Size of Cannon, and whether any 
were removed before the Evacuation ; the Quantity and Species of mili- 
tary Stores, the State of the Arms, both of the Continental Soldiers and 
Militia ; whether the Troops were furnished with Bayonets, and whether 
there were any and what number of Pikes or Spears, proper for defend- 
ing Lines. 

' ' That upon such Enquiry and Collection of Facts, a copy of the whole 
to be transmitted by the said Committee, to General Washington, and 
that thereupon he appoint a Court-Martial for the trial of the General 
officers who were in the Northern Department when Ticonderoga and 
Mount Independence were evacuated, agreeably to the Rules and Regu- 
lations of War 

"August 28 
"Congress proceeded to the Election of the Committee to collect E\'i- 
dence and Facts relative to the Evacuation of Ticonderoga, &c, and the 
Ballots being taken 

" Mr Laurens Mr Richard H Lee and Mr J Adams were elected 
" Copy from the Journals 

" William Ch Houston D Seer'y " 

As the opinion of the necessity for the evacuation had been 
concurred in by all, they all came in for a share of censure 
before the trial and for a thorough investigation by Congress. 



8-1 LIFE OF MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1777 How uol)ly General Paterson was to redeem his character be- 
fore Congress and in the pnbhc estimation was shown shortly 
after in the battles which preceded the suiTcnder of Biu'goyne. 
From August 4tli to September 25th General Paterson's camp 
was at Stillwater. He was officer of the day there on August 
4th, 8th, and 12th, and on September 14th and 25th. On Sep- 
tember 5th he made returns from Van Schaick's Island, nine 
miles from Albany, of the commissioned and non-commis- 
sioned officers under him having been restored to his command. 
In order to help St. Leger and prevent the Americans from 
mustering in force against himself, Burgoyne had planned an 
attack on Bennington, where he supposed that there was a large 
depot of American stores. When the news of the intended 
attack w^as received, Colonel Stark, who commanded a few 
hundred mihtia near that place, prepared to defend it, and 
sent for reinforcements. The first to arrive was a regiment 
of Berkshire mihtia under Parson Allen of Pittsfield. They 
were subsequently reinforced by Vermont troops. The battle 
was fought on August 16th. The Americans, under Colonel 
Stark, were undisciplined but determined militia, very ably 
commanded. The English troops were composed of some of 
the most capable officers and best disciplined men of Europe, 
with some loyalists and Indians. They were sent in two de- 
tachments, of seven hundred each, on different days. The com- 
mander of the first detachment was killed, the Indians fled, 
and the rest of the troops surrendered. The next detachment 
was utterly routed. It was one of the most stubbornly fought 
battles of the war. It left Burgoyne with both flanks exposed, 
with his center demorahzed by the loss of the Canadians, who 
fled in terror, and of the Indians, who deserted in great num- 
bers. He had lost some of his best officers, one seventh of 
his army, and a large quantity of arms and ammunition, of 
which he was greatly in need. He was not only weakened, but 
he was disheartened. The Americans had now the strategic 
advantage, and he plainly saw that instead of being certain of 
victory he was sorely in need of reinforcements. He could not 
delay his march, so he determined to advance, with the intention 



burgoyne's advance. 85 

of capturing Albany. He had been a long time preparing 1777 
for it, but the delay had given om- army the opportunity to 
occuj)y and strongly intrench themselves at Stillwater, and 
unless they were dislodged the plan to capture iVlbany could 
not be carried out, and he resolved to do it — as he thought, 
without serious difficulty. The success of this plan was of 
\'dtal importance to him ; if it succeeded, the situation of the 
American army woidd become desperate. To prepare for his 
march, on August 14tli he had built a raft bridge over the 
Hudson at Saratoga, which was afterward carried away by 
a rise in the river. His forces, however, were dispirited l)y 
their defeats. The ranks of the patriots were swelled by the 
news of his disaster at Bennington and by the report of the 
murder of Jane McCrea. It was necessary that he should do 
something to restore the British prestige, and he hoped that 
the southern commanders would produce a diversion on the 
Hudson which would draw away some of the American forces 
from his front. His advance was, however, slow ; his march 
was impeded in every direction. He could trust neither the In- 
dians nor the Canadians. Ticonderoga, which had been gar- 
risoned by three hundred regulars, had been recaptured with 
aU its arms and stores by the Americans, who had burned the 
flotilla. A rapid movement of General Lincoln in his rear, and 
the danger of ha\dng his supplies cut off, forced Burgojaie 
to move forward. He could not retreat. Despondent himself 
and his forces dispirited, he was forced to move toward the 
position which had been carefuUy selected and well chosen 
by the Americans. He withdrew his forces from the north, 
abandoned his communications with Canada, built a bridge of 
boats to replace his rafts which had drifted away, crossed the 
Hudson on September 14th and strongly fortified himself at 
Saratoga. The American army, under General Gates, had 
been organized by Schuyler, and was the most efficient and 
best disciplined that had been raised. Owing to the gener- 
osity of France, who had added largely to the grants of New 
York, it was Avell equipped. It was somewhat larger than that 
of Burgoyne. On the right bank of the Hudson were ten 



86 LIFE OF ]MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1777 thousand men, including the militia, some of whom were vet- 
erans. The right wing, on the opposite side, commanded by 
General Lincoln, who was very popular, was made up of New 
England militia fresh from Bennington. It was composed 
chiefly of Paterson's, Nixon's, and Glover's brigades. They 
began the advance on the 8th of September ; on the 12th they 
occupied an elevated position called, after the name of a man 
who kept a tavern there, " Bemis' Heights." It is a series of 
low hills at right angles to the Hudson, and almost reaching its 
western bank. The line reached across the low ground to the 
river. They were stationed there to defend the river and its ap- 
proaches. Bemis' Heights is nine miles east of Saratoga, and is 
about half-way between the villages of SchuylerviUe and Still- 
water. It had been fortified by Kosciusko, and by September 
15th the works were nearly completed. General Gates had con- 
nected the camp with the east side of the Hudson by a floating 
bridge, to facilitate the crossing of reinforcements if they shoidd 
be found to be necessary. This bridge was defended by a water 
battery, which also commanded the east shore of the river. 

On the 14th and 15th General Paterson was brigadier of the 
day at Stillwater. On the lOtli of September Bm'goyue made the 
attack which resulted in the battle of Freeman's Farm. Gen- 
eral Paterson, with his brigade of fom* Massachusetts regiments, 
with Glovei*'s and Nixon's, which were in the right wing, was 
held in reserve. During the action one of his regiments was 
detached to the left wing, and did eflicient service. Ten of 
his men were killed and one of his officers, Major Lithgow, was 
wounded. The left wing, with this regiment, which was nearly 
one third of General Gates' forces, wliich did the main fighting, 
checked with 1550 men the advance of the enemy, who many 
times outnumbered them, and frustrated their plan of attack. 
On the 21st a message from Sir H. Clinton in New York reached 
Bnrgoyne's camp telling him of the plans of attack on the 
lower Hudson, and asking him how long he could hold out. 
He replied, until October 12th. But although the EngUsh in 
New York opened the Hudson, it was of no use to Burgoyne. 
During the weeks that followed, the Massachusetts regiments 



Map No A 




THE BATTLES OF SARATOGA. 87 

were constantly engaged, and won for themselves, as did also 1777 
their commander, just praise. The series of engagements 
which took place have been given various names by differ- 
ent wTiters. By those engaged in them they are called, in 
their correspondence, the battles of Bemis' Heights, because 
they were fought on those hills. They are in the town of 
Stillwater, so the engagements were called after the town; 
but Burgoyne was at Saratoga, and the surrender was made 
there. The town is also in the county of Saratoga. Hence 
these series of engagements are known under the four dif- 
ferent names of Bemis' Heights, on which there were two 
sharp engagements, Stillwater, Saratoga, and Freeman's Farm, 
on which the fii-st of the three engagements was fought. On 
the 22d of September General Lincoln took command of 
the right wing, replacing Arnold, who, in a moment of 
anger, asked leave to go to headquarters and join Washing- 
ton, which was gi'anted. He, however, did not go, but re- 
mained in camp a disturbing element, to perform acts of great 
bravery in the battle of Bemis' Heights. The second battle 
of Bemis' Heights occurred on October 7th. Its object was 
to secure a retreat for Burgoyne, either by forcing a way 
through the American lines or so to cripple that army that a 
retreat for the British would be practicable. The defense of 
the riverside was officially assigned to the right wing. The 
fii-st fire of the British was too high, and did little or no 
damage. The Americans nished on the enemy's batteries 
with gi-eat spirit. They were taken and retaken, until at last 
the British were forced to abandon them, and a retreat was 
ordered. Arnold could restrain himself no longer. Without 
any authority he assumed command. The soldiers recognized 
him, cheered him as he passed, and followed him wherever he 
led. He was very popular with them, and as he had only a 
few days before commanded them, they never (luestioned his 
authority. Paterson's and Glover's brigades were leading the 
troops; he took command of them and assaulted the in- 
trenchments of Earl Balcarras, but as he encountered a strong 
abattis he was di-iven back under a heavy fii-e of grape and 



88 LIFE OF MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSOX. 

1777 musket-ball. Meeting Larued's brigade, he took commaud of 
it also, and thus with these portions of Paterson's, Glovei*'s, 
and Larned's brigades he threw liimself at the head of the 
regiment in front, and so inspu-ed the troops by his personal 
bravery that they rallied and attacked the gi-eat redoubt w^tli 
such determination that in a single charge he di"Ove the light 
infantry of Balcarras at the point of the bayonet from the 
abattis into the redoubt itself, where, exposed to the cross-fires 
of the two armies, he carried the works. Then meeting with 
other troops, he took command of them also, and captured 
the other intrenchments of the British, and was wounded just 
as he had secured the victory. Thus an officer who had no 
command won " one of the most spii'ited and important battles 
of the Revolution." At night General Lincoln's command, in 
which General Paterson was, relieved the troops who had done 
most of the fighting, and marched to the upper fork of the 
North Ravine (showm on map No. 7). On the 8tli General 
Paterson went to relieve General Morgan, who was cutting oif 
all Burgoyne's foraging parties. That night Burgoyne aban- 
doned his hospital and unnecessary baggage and retreated, 
in a heavy rain, across the Fishkill River. The bateaux con- 
taining his supplies were under constant fire. The point 
wdiere he had first crossed the river was w^ell guarded by the 
American forces. On the 10th, in a heavj- rain. General Pat- 
erson frustrated the plans of the British, which, if they had 
been successful, w^ould have opened a way for Burgoyne to 
Albany, so that he would have probably escaped, a misfortune 
which would have completely demoralized our army. 

On the morning of the 11th General Gates was informed 
that Burgoyne had already started in the hope of being able 
to reach Fort Edward, leaving only a rear-guard in camp. A 
portion of the army came near being captured, but was saved, 
not without some loss, to accomplish the maneuvers which 
forced Burgoyne to siuTender, by news brought by a British 
deserter, w^ho informed them that Burgoyne's entire army 
was in battle array on the hill. The Americans finally occu- 
pied the heights in three quarters of a circle around Burgoyne. 



Map 'Mo.q. 




Ma 13 Wo. 




SURRENDER OF BURGOYNE. 89 

Burgoyne was harassed iu every direction, and his army had i777-177i 
no rest. On the 12th he ascertained that his retreat to the 
north liad been cut off. His bridge of boats was commanded 
by the American guns ; his supplies were exhausted ; some of 
Ms best officers had been killed and others taken prisoners ; 
his troops were worn out, for they had had no rest for more 
than a week ; they were under short rations, and were, more- 
over, dispirited. He now abandoned aU hope of receiving the 
reinforcements which he had been anxiously waiting for. On 
the 13th he sent a flag of truce to General Gates, asking for terms 
■of capitulation. That night dispatches were received by Bur- 
goyne, gi\ang information of the capitulation of Forts Clinton 
and Montgomery, and that reinforcements had been sent to him, 
but it was too late. On the 16th General Gates reported 13,216 
men fit for duty under Paterson, Glover, Nixon, Poor, Larned, 
and others. Outgeneraled and completely defeated, Burgoyne 
surrendered 5763 men on October 1 7, 1 777. During aU this time 
General Paterson and his whole command acted with the most 
distinguished bravery. His soldiers were fuU of courage and 
in the highest spirits. His officers were determined and well 
supported and did terrible execution against the enemy, and 
his brigade helped to turn what might have l3een a disastrous 
defeat into a glorious xdctory. He narrowly escaped death, 
Ms horse ha\'ing been shot under him by a cannon-ball. After 
the battle, his brigade consisted of only 600 rank and file fit 
for duty, ^\-ith a militia regiment of 200, whose time was so 
nearly up that when they arrived at the encampments south 
their time would be out. 

As the result of this victory the British Government, in 
the hope of regaining the colonies, abandoned every measure 
for which they had commenced the war. On February 17, 
1778, Parliament repealed the Stamp Act, the act taxing tea, 
the repeal of the charter of Massachusetts, and renounced 
forever the right to raise a revenue in America. They gave 
power to commissioners to suspend any act of Parliament 
passed since 1763, and gave unconditional amnesty to all 
political offenders. The bill received the king's signature 



90 LIFE OF 3L\J0R-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1778 on March 11th. Commissioners were at once sent out to 
make arrangements for a treaty of peace. But it was too 
late. The Americans were now determined to be independent 
of Great Britain, The war that had been previously waged 
to gain redress for wrongs now became distinctly a war for 
independence. 

On October 28, 1777, General Paterson presided over a 
court-martial at Stillwater. He then started with his brigade 
for the lower Hudson. It was with the greatest difficulty that 
transportation could be found for them, and then only enough 
to carry them to New Windsor, Orange County, above West 
Point, where they arrived on November 7th. His brigade was 
so far reduced in numbers at that time that it contained only 
600 men fit for duty and about 200 militia whose term of ser- 
vice had nearly expired. On the 18th he wrote to General 
Washington as follows : 

" To His Excellency Genl Washington * 
"Sir 

"Colo. Hamilton directed me when I arrived nigh the River to send 
an Express to Head Quarters for your Orders, and wait at the Ferry until 
he returned. I am now at Lamberton and expect to be at the Ferry on 
thursday Morning without fail. Mr. Haskill an Adjutant of my Brigade 
I send to you for Directions and Shall wait at the Ferry until his Eeturn. 
Generals Poor & Glovers Brigade are just in my Rear Genl. Larned 
took the road thro' Sussex Expect he will be at the Ferry as soon as- 
myself. Capt Gibbs desired me to inform your Excellency that he was 
waiting at Morris Town until the whole had passed to hurry them on as- 
fast as possible 

" I am Sir -vvith respect your Excellency 

" Most obedient humble Servt 

" Jno Paterson. 

" Tuesday three Clock 18tli Nov. 1777 " 

On November 22, 1777, he went into camp at Whitemarsh^ 
New York. On the 23d Washington rejiorted to Congress 
that his regiment was sadly in want of shoes, stockings, 
breeches, and blankets, and that the brigades of both Pater- 

* From the Collection of E. G. Dreer, Esq-, of Philadelphia. 



RESULTS OF THE CAMPAIGN. 91 

son and Poor together did not amount to more than 2300 or 1777 
2400 men. 

One of the painful cases of discharge is shown by the order* 
given below and its endorsement : 

"Joseph Morse a Soldier in Colo Marshalls Regiment being under 
peculiar Circiunstanees is by leave of his Excellency Genl Washington 
discharged the Service of the United States and from doing any Duty in 
said Regiment has leave to pass from Camp to Boston 

"Given under my hand in Camp this 7th Day of March 1778 

" Jno Paterson B Genl" 

(On the reverse.) 
" Dear Sir 

" The Case of Mr Morse is very particular and His Excellency there- 
fore desires that you may do what you think proper in this If he leaves 
the Ser\-ice as a private Soldier, which is a station below his merit, he 
will come in, in some other way 

' ' I am Dear Sir 

"Your obedt Servt 

"Tench Tilghman. 
" Head Quarters 

"7th March 1778"' "■ 

The British campaign for the possession of the Hudson 
River ended with the surrender of Burgoyne. It had lasted 
from May to October. During that time the British had lost 
some of their ablest officers and ten thousand men, killed or 
prisoners. The river, except at its moutli, was still in the 
possession of the Americans. The army which had won the 
victory, as it was composed largely of militia, disbanded almost 
as quickly as it had been organized. All that remained of it 
was a handful of enlisted Continental Regulars. The work of 
organizing a new army had to be commenced over again at 
once for the next campaign, although the close of the year 
1777 found the entire country, except Long Island, Staten 
Island, Newport, New York, and Philadelphia, in the pos- 
session of the patriots. 

* Revolutionary Rolls, vol. xlv., p. 378. 



CHAPTER V. 

VALLEY FORGE AND M0N:M0UTH. 

1778 During the winter of 1777-8 General Paterson was at 
Valley Forge, and was one of the wisest ad\dsers of General 
Washington. He was with Grover and Larned in General 
Lincoln's command, which numbered 1326 men and officers. 
It was a -wdnter of great suffering, but was borne bravely. The 
army had neither sufficient clothing to protect them from the 
bitter cold nor sufficient to eat. The camp was turned into a 
military school for officers and men by Baron Steuben. Be- 
sides tactics, the men learned faith, both in the cause and their 
commander, who shared every privation with them, and this 
faith, with the military disciphne, led to the subsequent victory 
of that winter. General Paterson, who had come from Sara- 
toga, was evei'j'where when there was any duty to be done 
and always efficient. At the express wish of Washington 
and under the orders of General Green, on Januaiy 20, 1778, 
he undertook the superintendence of the fortifications of the 
left wing, which he did very efficiently. 

In the meantime France, who had aU along been friendly 
to the colonies and hostile to Great Britain, saw her oppor- 
tunity. If the conciliatory measm-es which had been proposed 
were successful, this would be lost, and on the 6th of Febru- 
ary, 1778, France signed a treaty with the United States. The 
situation in England was desperate. She was piling up a debt 
at the rate of nearly one million pounds sterling a week. By 
the treaty she had recently made she could hire no more troops 
in Europe. Some of the Puritans were disgusted with an alli- 
ance with a Roman Catholic power, which had let loose the 
Indians on their frontier, and from this dissatisfaction Parlia- 

92 



THE ENGLISH BECOME CONCILIATORY. 93 

ment hoped to gaiu soniethiiig ; so on April 7th the Duke of I77i 
Richmond gave notice that he should introduce a bill for the 
immediate withdrawal of all the forces in the colonies, and to 
make peace on any terms that Congress would dictate. In 
contending against tliis measm-e, Lord Chatham was struck 
with his death in the House of Lords. The bill was not passed. 
The king was enraged at the defeat of Bm'goyne, and he called 
on all loyal Englishmen to help him wipe out the national dis- 
grace. The army expected reinforcements. General Amherst, 
the king's military adviser, had recommended that forty thou- 
sand men be sent to America at once. The suggestion had 
been disapproved, but for a time enlistments were easily made. 
The Americans, however, had earnest friends in England, and 
among them were Fox, Burke, Richmond, and Chatham. 
Chatham's famous speech, "If I were an American as I am an 
Englishman, while a foreign troop was landed in my country 
I never would lay down my arms — never, never, never," 
created gi'eat sympathy for the Americans held as prisoners 
of war, and subscriptions for theii' benefit were numerous 
and liberal. This sympathy and the French alliance caused 
Parliament to pass the conciliatory bills. While Parliament 
was talking softly the king and his ministers used no kindly 
phrases. They delayed the execution of the bills as far as they 
could. At length, when delay was no longer possible, they sent 
out commissions whose memljers were of the same mind as the 
king and liis ministers. The bills were sent first in the expec- 
tation that they would pave the way for an amicable settlement 
favoralile to England. They an-ived in New York on the 14th 
of April, and were at once published by Governor Tryon. The 
effect which they produced Avas entirely unexpected. The Brit- 
ish troops were so enraged at the giving up of all that they had 
unsuccessfully fought for, that they threatened to mutiny if 
the provisions of the bills were carried out. Wlien they were 
published outside of the British lines it was found that no one • 
was conciliated. The provisions of the bills were not even 
looked upon as serious. The commission did not arrive until 
June. They had almost unlimited power to arrange terms of 



94 LIFE OF MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1778 settlement. On the 6tli of June Sir H. Clinton officially commu- 
nicated the bills to Congress. On the 17th of June by a formal 
vote Congress refused to entertain any offers of conciliation 
from the royal commissioners, unless accompanied by an ac- 
knowledgment of independence and an immediate cessation of 
the war. It published the bills of Parhament, which were every- 
where received with contempt, and in many towns were burned 
under the gallows. On July 2d, and again on July 18th, they 
offered Congress complete independence in everything but for- 
eign affairs. These letters were not answered, and every at- 
tempt on the part of the commission to open negotiations was 
turned into ridicule. Enraged at their failure, they issued a 
proclamation asserting that an alliance between a Protestant 
and a Roman Catholic country was monstrous. They declared 
that if the colonies did not submit within forty days, the whole 
object of the war should be to devastate the country. This 
proclamation was at once published hj Congress, and was re- 
ceived everywhere with the scorn and derision it deserved. In 
many towns it was publicly burned by the hangman. In Octo- 
ber the commissioners returned to England, having lost any in- 
fluence they might have had, had they acted with less temper. 
Valley Forge is memorable, not only on account of the 
suffering endured there, but also for the cabals against Wash- 
ington, and more than anything else, the inefficiency and mis- 
management of Congress. Congress was in reality a body 
• without power. It could advise the States, but it could not 
enforce taxation. It could not support the army. None of the 
States had raised then- full quota, and there was nothing left 
for it but to raise money on promises to pay. It had already 
printed more than $40,000,000 worth of such promises, and 
during the first half of 1778 it issued $23,000,000 more. This 
paper was based on nothing, and consequently was worth 
little, and no law could give this fat money intrinsic value 
which it never had. The country had lost faith in Congress, 
but they had gained faith in Washington. The enthusiasm in 
the army for the man who had shared all their sufferings and 
privations, who from his simple uprightness- of character had 



VALLEY FORGE. 95 

come out triumphant in spite of the cabals against him, 
amounted to devotion. It had been a long, dreary winter, full 
of trials and unnecessary suffering, but when spring came 
the army had forgotten their privations, while they remem- 
bered with pride the victories of the pre\ious year. Baron 
Steuben communicated to the army not only his enthusiasm, 
but imbued them with his principles. They became so well 
drilled that officers and men were confident of success. \\Tliile 
drilling the army Baron Steuben prepared a book on tactics, 
which continued in use long after his death, as it was so well 
adapted to our needs. He had the ability not only to teach 
others, but also to learn how to adapt the military principles 
of Europe to the condition of these soldiers. Notwithstand- 
ing the evils which resulted from the mismanagement of Con- 
gress, the army marched from its camp in the spring better 
and stronger than it had ever been before. 

During the campaigns of 1777, 11,000 of the 20,000 who 
were present at the surrender of BurgojTie, half were militia 
called out to meet emergencies that were local, and they went 
back to their homes when these were over. There was no 
standing army of any size possible, in the face of the fact that 
the people feared that it might become not only a bm-den but 
a danger to their liberties, and they fully supported Congress 
in the way the army was managed, which prevented the form- 
ing of experienced officers and men. The misery of Valley 
Forge had resulted from gross mismanagement. On Decem- 
ber 23d Washington had 2898 men " unfit for duty because 
they were barefoot and otherwise naked " ; for want of blank- 
ets they were obliged " to sit up all night by fires, instead of 
taking comfortable rest, in a natural and common way." 

General Howe, the British commander, who had practically 
placed himself in the position of one defeated by his taking of 
Philadelphia, for "the rebel capital " was of no use as a base for 
niihtary operations and only weakened the military fc^rce, as 
it had to be defended, was disgusted and con\-inced that the war 
was useless, and wanted to resign ; but oiu* army was aU ready 
for action. In April, 1778, at a council of war held to deter- 



96 LIFE OF 3IAJ0R-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1778 mine what was to be done, there was a great variety of opin- 
ion as to the details, bnt a singular unanimity as to the fact 
that a vigorous campaign should be made. Some wanted to 
attack Philadelphia, which was evacuated without a blow as 
an untenable position on June 18, 1778 ; others wanted to at- 
tack New York, and others both places at once ; others had 
doubts of the advisability of any attack until the army should 
be strengthened or the British army indicate its plans ; but 
all agreed that vigorous measures must be taken and that the 
army, both officers and men, had never been in a better con- 
dition. The officers were ordered in the early spring to pre- 
pare in the best way for an immediate and sudden movement. 
The evacuation of Philadelphia was equivalent to a victory 
and was regarded as such, and it was very desirable that the 
moral effect of it should be at once followed up. On April 
7th General Paterson was one of a general court-martial of 
which General Poor was president. On April 15, 1778, Gen- 
eral Gates was ordered to repair immediately to Fishkill, and 
to take command of all the troops on the North River and the 
whole Northern Department. 

The news of the arrival of the French reinforcements, which 
had landed at Portland, Me., reached Valley Forge on the 7th 
of May, 1778. The same day the news of the destruction of 
the pubhc stores at Bordentown reached them, but the one 
more than counterbalanced the other. At nine o'clock on that 
morning the army was called to parade, and every demonstra- 
tion of joy, such as the beating of drums and the firing of can- 
non, was the order of the day. The parade was not one to 
attract a brilliant assemblage, but it aroused hope in the 
minds of the men and in the defenders of their liberties in a 
way that few things had done up to this time. The spii-it of 
the army was and had been distinctly a religious one. It was 
a day of thanksgiving, and as it had been usual for the minis- 
ters in their various towns to announce to the people the 
things for which they were on special occasions to be thank- 
ful, the chaplains explained the occasion of their review to the 
soldiers. The treatv of alliance was read, and at its conclu- 



THE REVIEW AT VALLEY FORGE. 97 

siou huzzas were given for the King of France, for Washing- 1778 
ton, and for the Repnbhc of the United States. Military 
salutes were fired by the soldiers, and after these exhibitions 
of joy the re\dew was terminated by the singing of '' Praise 
God, from Avhoni all blessings flow." 

There is an heroic side to this scene which we to-day find it 
difficult to appreciate. We are apt to think of the country united 
then as it is now, but the Continental Congress did not at that 
time represent the country as oui* government is now supposed 
to do. Its powers were not defined ; it was not at unity \\ith 
itself ; it was full of cal)als. It had not supported the army as 
it should have done. Its support had come from requisitions 
on the States, which had honored them as they could. In fact, 
the army was almost the only real representation of unity that 
there was, but it was constantly being disbanded and re-formed. 
The army had suffered great losses, and these were not so much 
those from death or wounds on the field of battle, as from sick- 
ness, produced by the negligence or incapacity of Congi-ess. 
The mortality was owing to exposure from want of proper equi- 
page and clothing, of privation and even starvation from an 
inefficient commissary department. It was now likely to fall 
between the illusory hopes of Congress of an immediate ter- 
mination of the war o\\4ng to foreign intervention, and the 
recognition of the independence of the States by European pow- 
ers, and the fact that some of the States replied slowly to the 
requisitions made on them for men and supplies, as they rec- 
ognized that the struggle was not to terminate at once. Such 
a scene could only be possible when the men who made up the 
army vvei-e satisfied of the justice of their cause, and deter- 
mined with God's help to fight for it. Notwithstanding the 
cabals of individuals and the incapacity of their rulers. Con- 
gress itself had been moved by the sympathy shown to them 
l)y France and Spain, to declare, as they did on April 22d, that 
they would not treat with the English commissioners "unless 
they shall either withdraw their fleets and armies or in posi- 
tive and express terms acknowledge the independence of the 
States." 



98 LIFE OF MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1778 We are very apt to think of the soldiers of the Revolurion 
arrayed iu the costumes which have been assigned to them in 
the various liistorical paintings, and as being uniformed at all 
times in their continental costumes ; but ordinarily, and espe- 
cially on this occasion, there was very little of the pomp and 
circumstance usual iu ordinary army reviews. There was no 
public to admire the scene, and the scene itself was not a brill- 
iant one, but to them it was in the highest degree inspiring. 
There were few uniforms, many of the men had no shoes, and 
a great many had no coats, or their coats were made of what 
remained of their winter blankets. The men had been drilled 
all through the winter by Baron Steuben, and were soldierly 
in theu' bearing-, but there was nothing of the pageantry and 
show which were displayed two weeks later by the British 
army just before the evacuation of Philadeli)hia. There 
was thanksgiving in every heart and determination in every 
face, and their fixed resolution to obtain their freedom was 
shown in the fact of their muster, and their way of expressing 
it was in the hymn which closed the parade and which came 
with wonderful earnestness and was at the same time the ex- 
pression of their thanksgiving for the assistance which they 
had already received and their determination to obtain their 
freedom by God's help. 

The English had spent the winter in gayety at Philadelphia. 
The possession of the rebel capital had not only been of no 
advantage to them, it was an embarrassment, and morally it 
was a defeat. The Americans had spent the winter at Valley 
Forge in hard work to bring up their discipUne, sutfering at 
the same time the greatest privations. When spring came the 
Americans were ready for hard fighting and luore determine 1 
than ever ; but the English were feeling the effects of a wasted 
winter. 

Many of the officers who had come out with d'Estaing had 
asked for service in a time of enthusiasm and excitement, and 
with extravagant ideas both of promotion and emolument, 
and, finding that their expectations were not realized, had re- 
turned to France at the expense of Congress. Not more than 



PLANS FOR THE SPRING CAMPAIGN. 99 

ten remained, among whom were Lafayette, Pulaski, and 1778 
Kosciusko. Lafayette was given a command, Pulaski was 
put into the cavalry, and Kosciusko into the corps of engi- 
neers. 

During the winter of 1777-8 the Highlands of the Hudson 
had been carefully reconnoitered. General Gates was put in 
command of West Point on December 2, 1777. It had pre- 
viously been under the command of General Parsons. All 
the forts and other works in that vicinity had been destroyed 
by the British, and it was under discussion what points on 
the Hudson should be fortified. As there was considerable 
difference of opinion as to what point should l)e selected, the 
Council and Assembly of New York State was asked to con- 
sider it, and they, on January 13, 1778, fixed on West Point 
as the key to the situation. General Putnam was chosen to 
command, but as he was obliged to be absent, as he was on 
the court of inquiry in relation to the loss of Forts Montgom- 
ery and Clinton, General McDougal was put in command and 
ordered to press the work of fortification as much as possible. 
Kosciusko was selected as the engineer, and for the time this 
became the matter of absorbing interest in the Highlands. 

With the opening of spring the officers of the American 
Army began to make plans for a summer campaign. The 
discipline which had been introduced into the army at Valley 
Forge by Baron Steuben made them feel greater confidence 
in themselves than they had heretofore done. In the pre- 
vious fall, on November 24, 1777, at a council of war called 
to consider the desirability of an attack on Philadelphia, onlj- 
four generals had voted for it. Eleven, including General 
Paterson, voted against it. Now, however, three generals, 
and among them General Paterson, voted for it. Four wanted 
to attack New York. One wanted to attack both cities at 
once. Three others advised to do nothing until the British 
should in some way show what their plans were. This was 
also General Washington's opinion. 

On ]May 7th General Paterson received the f ollomng orders : 
" The Honorable Congress of February 3d requires all officers 



■ 100 LIFE OF IkL-VJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1778 holding commissions to take tlie oath of allegiance to the free 
United States, Brigadier-General Paterson to grant certificates 
and administer the oath to his own brigade." One of these 
Valley Forge certificates is in the author's possession. Dur- 
ing the month of May every general except Poor, Varnum^ 
and Paterson asked for and received a furlough. They re- 
mained on duty. 

Howe had found it much more difficult to provision Phila- 
delphia than New York, and as soon as the season permitted 
had dispatched foraging parties to secm-e food and other sup- 
plies. Against these, detachments had been sent out, which 
often prevented them from obtaining any suppUes. As the 
Americans did not present a very soldierly appearance, and 
were without uniforms, the British ceased to fear them. They 
had already forgotten Saratoga. Lafayette, who was a major- 
general, was put in command of 2100 picked men and five 
pieces of artiUery, to prevent these incursions, and to watch 
for signs of the evacuation of the city. General Clinton had 
replaced General Howe, and realized fully his dangerous posi- 
tion. To clear his way for the evacuation, and capture Lafa- 
yette, on May 19th he sent 5000 men against him at Barren 
Hill; but Lafayette foiled them and joined the American 
Army in safety. 

On May 18th, 23d, 30th, and June 6th General Paterson 
was officer of the day. Toward the middle of May it became 
apparent that the British could not hold out much longer in 
Philadelphia. They feared that they would be blockaded in 
that city by the French fleet, which might easily have been 
done. On the 18th Washington in general orders ordered all 
the forces to be prepared for any sudden movement. On May 
23d he ordered them to be ready to march at a moment's 
warning. It had been a long, dreary winter, and the troops 
were ready for any advance. The order for the disposition of 
the army on the march to the Hudson River was given in May 
by Washington. Paterson, Glover, and Larned were in the 4th 
Division under Baron de Kalb. On June 6th they were still 
at Valley Forge. On the 17th Washington asked counsel of 



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EVA( LATION OF I'HILu\l)ELPHIA. lOl 

his generals, wlio advisi-d liim t<» (lisciu-tiiiilMT liis army of all I77i 
bag^'UiLrt', ami hv ready to give chase to the British as soon 
as the city was evacuated. On the moriiiii<; of the IStli of 
June Sir Ilciiry Clinton evacuated Philadelphia. Before sun- 
set of that day the Americans marched in and occupied it, 
and Arnold was sent to take po.ssession and command. The 
evacuation (»f the city c(»mmenced at three o'clock in the 
raornin^^ and l.y tm (»'<'lock the whole British army of occu- 
pation was in New .Jersey. They were encumbered with a 
heavy baggage train, .said to have been twelve miles long, and 
took the road toward Sandy Ho«>k. Theu- army numbered 
about 12,000 men, t'lionnighly cipiipped and organized. The 
American Army was somewhat larger, but was not well 
equipped. Washingt(»n left Valley Forge at once to i)ursue 
Clinton through X.'W .lersry. but he did not reach him until 
June 2Sth. 

Washington wished to engage the retreating enemy. He 
reached Hopewell, whidi is about five miles from Princeton, 
on the 24th of June. He at once called a council of war. to 
determine whetlu-r it W(»uld be a<lvi.^able to hazard a geufiid 
engagement. Six generals, undn- tii.- leadershij) of Lee, ad- 
vised against it. Six others, among whom were Paterson and 
Lafayette, voted for it. Pater.-^on wished to have 2000 to 
3000 men sent forward at once. Wa.shingtou him.sclf ])elicved 
that this was a most favorable time to force a general engatre- 
ment, and that the danger from the effect tm the public mind, 
of allowing an ai-my with twelve miles of baggage train, to 
cro.ss New Jersey unmolested, was far greater than any defeat 
which was feared owing to the superior e(iuipment of the 
enemy. Xotwith.standing the gi-eat heat and the fatigue of 
the army, who had been almost stan'ed on their march, he de- 
termined to force an engagement. He ordered a deta<'hment 
under Lafayette and another under Lee to woiry the i-eai-- 
guard of the enemy and to reinforce that part of the main 
army which was nearest to the British, and .sent Steuben to 
reconnoiter. NVasliington was moving faster than Clinton, 
and on a line nearly parallel to him. and was getting ahead 



102 LIFE OF :\L\JOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1778 of the British on the line of theii- retreat. Clinton had noth- 
ing to gain by fighting, and hoped to avoid it. He only 
wislied to get safely to New York, with as little delay as pos- 
sible. He was moving east toward Monmonth, and hoped to 
reach Sandy Hook safely, as from there he could embark his 
troops, nnder the cover of the British fleet, to New York. His 
right wing took the advance and convoyed his baggage train. 
His left wing, composed of about 8000 men, followed in the 
rear, and was exposed to attack. 

On the 25th Stenben reported the British as marching 
toward Monmouth Conrt-House, which, however, they did not 
reach until the 27th. On the 28th, finding that the British 
were moving away from their position, Washington ordered 
Lee, who commanded tlie advance, which was composed of 
6000 men, to attack the enemy. Lee at first decUned. If he 
had persisted, the command would have devolved on Lafa- 
yette, when the result would probably have been the capture 
of the whole of Clinton's army ; but Lee reconsidered, and 
asked to be put in command and to be allowed to lead the 
attack. The orders to Lee were positive and explicit. He 
was to attack at once, and the main army was oi'dered to 
move forward to Freehold to support him. Lee went off to 
the right, to draw, as he said, the enemy into the ravines 
there, so that he could destroy them. He marched and coun- 
termarched the troops, to no pui*pose. He was not present 
when the attack was made, which was, by his orders, carried 
out so slowly as to be entirely useless. Clmton, finding him- 
self in danger, moved first, and attacked Lee's troops and 
drove them back in disorder. Lafayette, who began to sus- 
pect that all was not right, sent for Washington, who, when 
he arrived on the gi'ound, found Lee's troops in full retreat. 
There was no necessity for the retreat. Lee's force was am- 
ple, and it was, as the events proved, well disciplined. The 
advantage was on Lee's side, and there was every reason to 
hope that he would capture some of the best troops in the 
British Army at the very commencement of the fight. When 
the attack began Lee ordered first Wajme and then Lafayette 



BATTLE OF MONMOUTH. 103 

to make only feints, to draw away the attention of the enemy ; 1778 
and they, supposing that the orders had been changed by 
Washington, did so. Tlie reason that Lee gave for these 
orders was that he did not believe that his troops could stand 
up against the British soldiers. Lee then ordered the regi- 
ments on the left to fall back, and the others, seeing the 
movement, which they thought was a retreat, became panic- 
stricken. Lee gave orders that the retreat should be contin- 
ued. Neither officers nor men knew what they were retreat- 
ing for, and the fear of an unkno\m danger became greater 
tlian it could have been in the face of one that was known. 
Lee, as he had determined to do, either because he was piqued 
or because he wished the British to capture both Washington 
and his army, had thrown his entire connnand into complete 
disorder and confusion. Washington, coming up at this mo- 
ment and finding the rout complete, ordered Steuben to re- 
form the troops on the left, and Wayne those on the right. 
Steuben collected the left behind the creek at Englishtown. 
General Paterson coming up, after they were formed, with 
three brigades of the second line, was ordered to place his 
troops a little more to the rear, on the high ground. While 
Steuben was re-forming the troops he met Lee, Avho had been 
ordered to the rear, and he tried to dissuade him from carry- 
ing out his orders, on the ground that he must have misun- 
derstood them ; but without avail. So accustomed had the 
men at Valley Forge become to follow the lead of Steul)en 
and so convinced were they that his methods of discipline had 
made the army more efficient than it had ever been before, 
thoiigh closely pursued and in complete rout, they wheeled 
into line and re-formed under fire at his command with almost 
the same precision that they had done on the parade ground 
or at the famous Thanksgiving review at Valley Forge. From 
being mad with a nameless fear they became cool and acted 
with the bravery of veterans. This imexpected stand com- 
pletely checked the British advance. Foiled in this direction, 
Clinton attacked Wayne. This was led by the grenadier 
guards, commanded by Colonel Moncton They had been 



104 LIFE OF MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1778 drilled in bayonet practice, and were very skillfnl in it. Tlie 
colonel made a speech to them in which he ni'ged them to 
charge like men and to keep up the reputation of their corps. 
The two forces were so near that every word was heard by the 
Americans, and probably influenced them quite as much as 
it did the British soldiers. The grenadiers made a charge at 
quickstep, expecting to drive everything before them. The 
Americans waited quietly until they were quite close, and 
then met them with such a destructive fh-e that the grena- 
diers were not only driven back in confusion, but, though 
they fought like heroes for the body of their colonel, who fell 
at the first fire, they were obliged to retreat, lea\dng it in the 
possession of the Americans. This repulse of the elite of the 
British Army by men who had just been rallied from an ig- 
nominious retreat is one of the most striking pictures of the 
Revolution. 

Clinton now attacked the left, but was also di-iven l)ack. 
General Paterson and his troops fought with great bravery in 
repelling this attack. The fighting continued until five in 
the afternoon. When it ceased, the British were retreating. 
Steuben was then ordered to the front to pursue the retir- 
ing enemy, and started at once with General Paterson and 
his troops. Night came on before he reached them, and he 
and the rest of the American Army camped on the battle- 
field, intending to renew the fight the next morning; but 
when the sun rose Clinton was gone, and was so far on the 
way to Sandy Hook that it was useless to pursue him. 

It was a hotly contested fight. Both parties claimed the 
victory, but the Americans held the field of battle. The battle 
was full of incidents. Painters have not tu-ed representing 
Molly Pitcher taking her husband's position at the cannon and 
fighting in his place with all the vigor and bravery of a vet- 
eran soldier. Writers have described Washington's righteous 
wrath when he met Lee. Historians have praised Wayne for 
his magnificent fight under disadvantageous circumstances. 
Army men are never tired of extolling Steuben's drilling of 
the men and forming them when in full retreat into an orderly 



BATTLE OF MONMOUTH. 105 

line of battle so that they more than saved the name they had 1778 
lost. Steuben's drilling at Valley Forge and his command of 
the men and Washington's generalship saved Monmouth, and 
taught the world again that in the defense of their rights de- 
termined men are a match for disciphned soldiery. 

This was the last general engagement which took place at 
the north. It was fought with desperation on both sides. 
The treachery of Lee came very near being fatal to the cause 
of American independence. The proof of his treason was not 
discovered until eighty years after the battle. Had any other 
general been in command the whole of Clinton's army would 
probably have been captured, or at least have suffered such a 
defeat that the war would have been ended with the battle of 
Monmouth. As it was, owing to his treason it was prolonged, 
with much useless suffering on l)oth sides, until the sm-render 
at Yorktown. There is no doubt now that Lee had been 
negotiating with the enemy while he was a prisoner, and was 
giving aid and counsel to the British while he was in New 
York. It is believed that he intended to overthrow Washing- 
ton, and either to try to replace him by causing his defeat, or 
after the defeat to treat with the British, making the best 
terms he could for himself, and in that way to gain great 
credit with the enemy for having terminated the war. He 
was a traitor whose intentional disregard of his orders caused 
greater injury to his adopted country than the treason of 
Benedict Arnold. He lived through his court-martial, be- 
cause it was not then suspected that it was possible that he 
coidd have been guilty of such a crime, only to be dismissed 
by Congress. Notwithstanding his talents, he died the death 
of an adventurer, and has gained for himself the contempt 
and disdain of every American citizen. 

After the battle neither side claimed a decisive victory. 
The English lost 450 in killed and wounded ; the Ameri- 
cans, 230. The English retired to commence, as their com- 
missioners had threatened to do, a warfare on the defense- 
less, with the aid of savages. On July 3d, a week after the 
battle of Monmouth, the massacre of Wyoming took place. 



106 LIFE OF MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1778 It was a piece of barbarous savagery, which was stigmatized 
in England as it should have been, and as it richly deserved. 
It had been, however, ordered by the ministry, and they 
neither disavowed their order nor abandoned theii" policy. Its 
onh' effect was to make the Americans more determined than 
ever to sever forever all connection with a country whose 
government could indorse such butchery. 

In the council held previous to the battle of Monmouth 
General Paterson was one of the most earnest advocates of 
the plan of attack which proved so successful. On one of the 
bas-reliefs of the monument erected in 1884 by the State of 
New Jersey, he is represented in the group of the thii'teen 
officers comprising the council as the second figure beside 
Lafayette, earnestly advocating the plan which Lee so en- 
tirely disapproved of, and which he came so near tm*ning into 
a disastrous defeat. The cut on the opposite page, taken 
from the bas-reliefs on the monument at HopeweU, New Jer- 
sey, commemorating the battle, shows Greneral Paterson advo- 
cating with Greneral Lafayette the plans for the battle. 

From this time on, the British in the north acted entii-ely 
on the defensive. They maintained their foothold, but with 
the exception of a few marauding expeditions they did not 
again take the offensive in the north. Their efforts were con- 
fined to the south, with varying but only temporary success,, 
but in the long run the final result was always failm-e. 



CHAPTER VI. 

THE HATED HIGHLANDS. 

After the battle of Monnunitli Washington sa^^ that it was it: 
nseless to try to prevent or to further molest Clinton's retreat, 
and the army moved leisurely up to White Plains and went 
into cam]) near the old battlefield of October, 1776. It arrived 
al>out July 23th and I'cmained there up to September loth. 
Clinton went to New York, so that both armies occupied the 
same pt)sitions as two years before, but this time the Americans 
had been the aggressors. In the order of battle which was 
formed, General Paterson's brigade was assigned to General 
Gates' division on the left of the line, and was known as the 
3d Massachusetts brigade. It was composed of the lOtli, 
11th, 12th, and lith Massachusetts line, under Colonels Mar- 
shall, Tupper, Brewer, and Bradford, and so remained until 
after January 1, 1781. It was the largest Continental en- 
campment of the Revolution. The troops were drilled in the 
tactics which Baron Steuben had devised at VaUey Forge. 
General Paterson took his turn, as he always had done before, 
as bi'igadier for the day, and acted as such on July 29th, Au- 
gust 3d, 7th, 12th, 19th. and 25th, and September 10th. Dur- 
ing this encampment uniforms were devised, officers' ranks 
settled, and the regimental and brigade colors fixed. Wash- 
ington, in a letter to General Heath dated September 6th, 
"Whites : " I do not know what device General Paterson will 
choose to have upon his colors. I will speak to him and de- 
sire him to inform you." In an autograph letter of Gen- 
eral Washington, he gave to General Paterson the choice 
of his l:)rigade colors. On September 15th the army moved 
north, passing through Bedford and Wright's Mills to Fred- 

107 



108 LIFE OF JL^JOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1778 ericksbiu-g. At Fredericksbiu-g the army began to break 
up for winter quarters. General Paterson with Gates' divi- 
sion went to Danburv on September 20th. On that day 
orders were issued for the intrenching- tools to be sent to 
the rear of General Paterson's brigade. He was brigadier 
of the day * at Danbury on September 22d, 25th, and 30th. 
On October 8th General Paterson presided at a division 
court-martial at Danbury. General Gates' division was or- 
dered to Peekskill. General Gates himself was ordered to 
Boston. He arrived there on November 6th, and took com- 
mand of that department which included Boston and Pro\d- 
dence on November 9th. In the last week of October Gen- 
eral Gates, with the three Massachusetts regiments, went 
from Danbury' to Hartford. In the first Aveek in November 
General Paterson was present at a great dinner given in Hart- 
ford to General Gates and his officers with every possible 
patriotic demonstration. Later he returned to West Point. 
On December 6th he was at Peekskill. General McDou- 
gall took command for the winter of the '' Posts in the 
Higiilands," which comprised West Point and all the forti- 
fications on both sides of the river near it. It included all 
the forts as far doAATi as the lower Fort Clinton. There was 
no special locaUty known as the Highlands. It was a large 
area covering all the points more or less commanded or di- 
rectly connected with West Point. The Massachusetts troops 
were in this position except the 4tli brigade, which had been 
sent to Rhode Island. Two of these brigades were ordered to 
encamp on the east side of the river, and General Paterson's 
brigade was stationed for the winter at West Point. On De- 
cember 18, 1778, General McDougaU being temporarily at 
West Point, issued the following order : 

"His Excellency, the Commander-in-Chief, having been pleased to 
order me (General McDougall) to take charge of all the posts on the 
Hudson River from Poughkeepsie downward, and signified that it was 
determined in a council of general officers that Brigadier-General Pater- 

* The office was a routine of duty and not a post of honor. 



Mop "No. Q . 



MAP 

OF THE 

HUDSON RIVER Kingston ,, 

5."B.Browc->-Del. 

Prepared for T^be Life 
of Mai. Gen..Pater5on." 





j 












"^ Poinb,.-,!" 









<?^ 



R)rl Moritcbprnervj D 









yfj 







THE HIGHL.\NDS. 109 

son should take command of the post at West Point ; he will please in 177! 
pursuance of that order to take the command to-morrow morning after 
guard mounting." 

His brig-ade had been ordered to ''the Point" about ten 
days before. He thus assumed command at West Point as 
the choice not only of the Commander;in-Chief, but of all the 
generals who were in the district, and "who were then "ban- 
tering at Middlebrook, New Jersey. West Point had become 
the most important post, from a strategic point of view, in 
the north. So long as the Americans held it the New England 
States were comparatively safe, and no very important move 
could be made by the British since it was the key to New York, 
which the Americans would attack just as soon as they left it 
exposed. General Paterson was selected for this position be- 
cause he was known to be a man of good judgment, perfectly 
safe, and not likely to be led by appearances to make a false 
step. 

The campaign of 1778 was brought to a close, on the part 
of the Americans, principally by want of money. Congress 
had no power to impose taxes. Each State had more than it 
could do to take care of its own indebtedness. The country 
was flooded -mth counterfeits of the Continental currency, 
manufactured in England. The real and the counterfeit were 
equally worthless. The seasons had, however, been favorable, 
and a rich harvest had been gathered. The country was pros- 
perous. Congress, however, was blind and deaf; it refused 
either to see or to hear of the wants of the army. Washing- 
ton's repeated requests for a standing army were unnoticed. 
Congress persisted in making annual drafts, which left only 
the nucleus, on which to constantly reorganize the army. 
They would not hear even of long enlistments. General 
Washington describes the condition of both forces at the end 
of the year as follows : "After two years of maneuvering and 
the strangest vicissitudes, both armies are brought back to 
the very point from which they set out, and the offending 
party at the beginning is reduced to the use of the spade and 
pickax for defense. The hand of Providence has been so 



110 LIFE OF :MAJ0R-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1779 couspicuous in all this, that he must be worse than an infidel 
that lacks faith, and more than meked that has not gratitude 
to acknowledge his obligations." 

In every act of the British they had as yet depended on 
their fleets as the basis of their operations and lost their effi- 
ciency when they were separated from them. We had had no 
navy. There had been some fine maneuvering on Lake Cham- 
plain, but in the summer of 1778 Paul Jones made such a dem- 
onstration on the English coast as to win for the colonies great 
honor to himself and great confidence in the cause of the colo- 
nies, and every demonstration of regard for the man and sym- 
pathy for the cause he represented was made by the various 
countries of Europe. 

The Channel fleets of England and France had an inde- 
cisive engagement in July, which opened hostilities by sea. 
Spain, on two different occasions, offered to mediate between 
the two countries, but the English refused mediation ; and 
finally, on April 12, 1779, Spain signed a treaty with France, 
and declared war against England in June. She then sent a 
fleet from Cadiz to join the French. 

The commencement of the year 1779 found Congress again 
without money. They applied to the States for help, but the 
States did not respond. Finally Congress issued fifty millions 
more of Continental currency, and as much more at various 
times during the year. In June the Continental dollar was 
worth only five cents, and at the end of the year, when there 
were two hundred millions in circulation, the dollar was worth 
only three cents. The country was bankrupt, and the seeds 
whose growth produced such serious results after the war was 
over, and which threatened to overturn all that had been 
gained by the long struggle of the Revolution, were already 
germinating. 

From the Highlands on January 19, 1779, General Paterson 
and his fellow-officers sent forward a petition in behalf of 
themselves and the soldiers under their command for pro\d- 
sions and clothing. Detachments from his brigade were oc- 
casionally ordered down to the outposts near White Plains, 



NAVAL :\LAN'EUYERS. Ill 

which were commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Aaron Biut. 1779 
On February 27th General McDougall ordered Burr: "'If 
the enemy move or appear in force on the river, send up 
Patei'son's detachments by forced marches. They will be 
needed at the Point." On March 23d (jeueral Paterson issued 
orders from Fishkill. On April 29th he, with two companies, 
went dowm to Fishkill, where he remained most of the time 
until July. On May 27tli he was at Peekskill. He was l)ack 
at his post on June 12th, and ag-aiu took command, and was 
there in the fall and winter of 1779 and until April, 1780. ]Ma- 
jor HaskeU was his brigade major during this campaign. In 
July, 1779, the enemy invaded and burned a number of towns 
in Connecticut, including New Haven. In that mouth General 
Heath returned from Boston and took command in the High- 
lauds. He dispatched troops to Connecticut, and on the 19th 
of July writes that Paterson's brigade was posted at Xelson's 
Point opposite West Point. A few days pre\iously it had 
marched as far down as Peekskill and back again. On the 
night of the 15th of July Stony Point was stormed by a picked 
American corps, and Washington expected a counter-move 
from the enemy. He arranged his army east and west of 
West Point, making it the center, with his headquarters there. 
In liis orders on July 20th he says : " The garrison at West 
Point, including the island " (that is, Constitution Island) "mil 
for the present consist of Paterson's, Larned's, and the Caro- 
lina brigades. General McDougaU commandant of the garri- 
son." It was the "Point" which was threatened, and it was 
therefore strengthened \nth a di^'ision under a major-general. 
Troops were detailed to work on the forts every day. General 
Paterson's men were engaged at the batteries at the "Point" 
and at Fort Putnam above it (see map No. 9). On the 23d 
of Jul}' Washington appointed, from his headquarters at 
Moore's house on the east side of the river, a board of officers, 
in which General Paterson was included, to complete the 
ranking of the Massachusetts officers. Glover's brigade hav- 
ing returned from Rhode Island, all the Massachusetts ti'oops 
were on the North River. Durino- the . summer the work on 



112 LIFE OF MAJOR-ftEXERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1779 the uncompleted forts at the ''Point" was pushed with great 
vigor under General Kosciusko. In August General Paterson 
went do"«Ti to Peekskill, but was at the " Point " on the 3d, 
6th, 9th, 11th, and 17th as brigadier of the day. He was also 
at Peekskill in September, and was again brigadier of the day 
on the 2d and 24th. On September 16th he was at Steen- 
rapie, New Jersey, and on the 23d he was at Orangetown. 
On October 6, 1779, at the request of a large number of offi- 
cers and after a special dispensation for the pm-pose by the 
Grand Lodge of Massachusetts, General Paterson was made 
master of Washington Lodge. This was a traveling lodge, 
and organized for the benefit of officers and soldiers of the 
army. Washington often ^dsited this lodge. Their celebra- 
tions of the festival of St. John the Baptist were famous. On 
the 7th of October, 1779, finding it impossible to procure 
proper cloth for a uniform, he was obhged to ask that the 
Board of War might be allowed to sell him sufficient cloth to 
have one made, which was gi-anted the next day : 

"To the HonMe. the Council and House of Representatives "" of the State of 
Massachusetts Bay in General Court assembled : 

" The Petition of John Paterson humbly sheweth that no clothing at 
present is to be had in Camp ; that since he has been in Town he has made 
search and cannot tind any that is suitable ; he therefore humbly requests 
this Honorable Court that they would permit the Board of War to supply 
him with a Suit, he paying them their demand, and which will be gi-ate- 
fully acknowledged by youi* Honors' most obedient and very htimble 
servant, "Jxo Paterson. 

" Boston, October 7, 1779."' 

On October 28th he was again at Fishkill as brigadier 
of the day. On November 12th he was at Totoway, New 
Jersey, and on November 19th he was again brigadier of the 
day at the "Point." On November 27th Washington, in 
a letter to General Heath, orders General Paterson's brigade 
to be again stationed at West Point. On November 29th the 
commanding officers of the corps met at five o'clock at Gen- 

* Massachusetts Archives, vol. eexxiv, p. 390. 



TH£ HIGHL,\XDS. 113 

eral Paterson's quarters to tli-aw lots for huts. General Me- 1779 
Dougall"s last order was : 

"Garrison West Poixt. December 6. 1779. 
"General Heath haAiiig arrived yesterday at Mr. Mandaville's and the 
Commander-in-Chief ha%-ing given permission to the commandant [Me- 
Dougall] to retire when the event took place, the command, by desire of 
General Heath, devolves on General Paterson, which he will be pleased 
to assume after guard mounting."' 

General Paterson was therefore in command during the 
winter of 1779-80. Hoav well he remembered his soldiers is 
sho%vn by the follo^N^ing letter : 

" I certify that Edward Bates was sent by the orders of General McDou- 

gal out of my Brigade up the North River after Timber, for the Garrison 

of West Point, and on the return of the Officer, commanding the party, 

was reported as being unfit for Duty, on account of a wound received in. 

course of the Tom-, and in consequence of it was transf en-ed to the Corps 

of invalids. . . . This was in the year 1779 

" John Patersox B. Gen. 
" Boston Feb 9th 1786. " ' 

The year 1780 did not bring any rehef to the country or to 
the army, which Congi-ess continually neglected. The Amer- 
icans, deprived of almost eveiy comfort, sat watching the 
EngHsh in New York, who were quite content and very com- 
fortable. The eoimtry was bankrupt. All sorts of obliga- 
tions, real and counterfeit, the one worth about as much as 
the other, were in circulation. The false and the real were 
difficult to distinguish fi-om each other, and cu'culated about 
on a par. The army was no longer paid. Officers and men 
were justly dissatisfied. Desertions were frequent, mutiny 
was threatened. The army was obUged to sustain itself by 
foraging, which often degenerated into mere mai'auding. 
Tlie money they had to pay, for what they wished to take, was 
worthless, and they therefore seized what the owner refused 
to take currency for. They often took possession without 
proffering pay on the ground that it was useless to offer the 

* Owned by W. E. Benjamin. Xew York. 



114 LIFE OF MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1780 paper, which was vahieless. lu the month of January there 
was neither bread nor meat at West Point for a fortnight. 
The English were frozen in in New York, and could not be 
supplied by the fleet. They had plenty of gold and silver 
coin, and they paid it out wdlliugly for produce, so that the 
farmer frequently forgot his patriotism and furnished them 
with all the supplies they needed. 

On January 26, 1780, a fire broke out in the quartermaster's 
barracks at West Point which threatened to do great damage. 
General Paterson, who was in command of the garrison at 
that time, not only distinguished himself, but also exposed his 
person to great danger from the flames to save an exposed 
building, as he had previously done at Cambridge at the com- 
mencement of the war. 

In the spring of 1780 public confidence seemed to revive a 
little. EnUstments were numerous. The State sent consider- 
able sums to encourage them, as shown Ijy the receipt below : 

•'Head Quarters Highlands, Feby 20, 1780. 
"Received of Major General Heath twenty six thousand one hundred 
& ninety pounds lawfull money of the State of Massachusetts Bay to be 
paid to tlie Commanding officers of Regiments of the Massachusetts State 
for the pm-pose of reinlisting the Troops belonging to said State agreea- 
We to a late Resolve thereof for which I sign two receipts of the like 
tenor and date. 

"John Paterson.* 
"attest E. Haskell." 

Congress, however, paid but little attention to the army. 
Ever soUcitous for the welfare of his command, on May 7th 
General Paterson wrote from West Point to General Heath a 
letter which contained some unpleasant truths, begging for 
provisions for the ill-fed soldiers, and for some action wliich 
would prevent their pitiable condition from becoming known 
to the enemy. This letter is given below. General Heath 
forwarded it, as a true statement of the case, to the House of 
Representatives in Boston, where it caused great irritation, and 

* Massachusetts Archives, vol. ccxxvii., p. 351. 



SUFFERINGS OF THE ARMY. 115 

iu June they caused a resolution to be entered on the minutes 1780 
that it was offensive to them. 

"West Point, May 7, 1780. 
*'2b Major-General Heath, Boston : * 

" Sir : The distress, I was in hopes, arose to its hei<ijht Years ago ; 
indeed, I then thouglit our liberties established,* but find myself egre- 
giously mistaken. The country, from principles of real Vice, have sacri- 
ficed to their darling Mammon the Medium which enabled them to 
keep an Anny in the field and make a stand against Tyranny. This 
surely will ruin the best Cause Man was ever engaged in, unless some 
immediate Kemedy is found and as suddenly applied. We have been 
lamenting it as a great Misfortune that the Soldiers were out this Spring 
in such numbers ; but if tlie unthinking Country will not support what 
we have now, what would have been our case had we three times as 
many ? 

"We have not six daj's of Meat provision in Garrison, and by ac- 
counts from all the purchasers must not expect any until they can be 
supplied with cash and of a different and better established sort than the 
present. It must be two or three months, I think, before we can expect 
It. What shall we do in the interim f To desert this importuut pout 
would ruin the Cause, to live here without provision we cannot, to take 
it by the Bayonet exceeding disagreeable, but preferable in my Opinion 
to an Evacuation ; indeed, we have but a choice of difficulties, to desert, 
to take by force, or pawn the public assets in om- hands for a short credit. 
This last perhaps may meet with the approbation of Congi-ess ; if not, 
ruin to him that pursues the plan will be the consequence. I hope the 
Enemy will not get Information of our circumstances. 

"Every Department is at a stand for want of Cash, our Stores are 
exhausted, the Army impaid and disheartened. I once thought America 
had Virtue to encounter the greatest difficulties firm and unshaken, but 
her conduct shows how weak my Supposition was ; indeed, I am fully 
persuaded the Doctrine of total Depravity (which we have so long de- 
nied) is true, and that there is no virtue in man. 

" I am ashamed to be continually filling your Ears with Complaints of 
Details of our misfortunes ; be assured I would not do it did not I think it 
would be of service to the Cause. I am sure you will leave nothing mi- 
done to spirit tlie State to the earliest exertion (they cannot be too much 
so), for the Crisis is difficult and dangerous, and should we survive I hope 
we shall be careful of a Relapse. 

" We hear from Congi"ess that the Regts. of our State are to be reduced 
to ten, that the eldest Officers are to have the choice of retiring or con- 
tinuing. If they retire they are to have half -pay, and at the close of the 

* Massachusetts Archives, vol. ceii., p. 227. 



116 LIFE OF 3L4JOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

War to be entitled to all the privileges of those that remain in command. 
I think Congress generous to them, and wish it may be the most proper 
persons. 

" The last accounts from Charleston are that it was completely invested 
and closely besieged. I wish our troops were out of it, but still hope 
they will be relieved or sell themselves dear. 

"I am, dear General, with perfect regard, your most obedient and very 
humble servant, 

"John Paterson." * 

On July 27tli General Paterson wrote from West Point and 
begged from the President of the Conncil of Massachusetts Bay 
a loan of 1500 stands of arms, reqiiesting him to send them 
immediately, as those expected from Europe had not arrived^ 
and they had not sufficient to arm the new levies, adding- 
that on the "immediate supply the success this year most 
certainly will in a great degi'ee depend, and probably the 
events of the war." He did not know then of the new calam- 
ity which was to befall the country in the treason of Benedict. 
Arnold. 

The scarcity of arms and of provisions had led to the nat- 
ural result of insubordination arising from the dissatisfac- 
tion of the men which expressed itself in disobedience, mu- 
tinies, and marauding. The pay of the soldiers was made 
in worthless paper ; the people were tired of the war ; they 
expected deliverance from their enemies, the British, by their 
allies, the French. The soldiers must have arms. Every one 
who was not to be present in the rank and file in action was. 
disarmed and their arms given to the soldiers in the ranks^ 

* This letter was so bitterly true, and the description of the i-eal con- 
dition of affairs so accurately written, that it was received with every 
sign of displeasiire, but no other action than the passage of a resolution 
was taken on it. The treason of Arnold, and the subsequent coui-ts- 
martial of some of the best of the old soldiers, who, finding no other way 
to get redress, took the law into their own hands, showed how true it 
was. In some cases the men who were sentenced to be shot were par- 
doned, it being felt by "Washington that the sentence satisfied the law, 
and that to have executed it on men who had been good soldiers, and 
who used the wi'ong means to redress their real wrongs, would have been- 
a mistake. 



SUFFERINGS OF THE ARMY. 117 

and still there were nearly four thousand men who had none. 1780 

On the 28th Baron Steuben wi'ote to Washington that he had 

asked General Paterson to wi-ite this letter to Massachusetts 

and had also requested General Huntington to WTite a similar 

one to Connecticut : 

" "West Point, July 27, 1780. 

" Sir : The bad economy which has inseparably attended the operations 
of America (until very lately) has reduced oiu" Arms to so small a number 
that we are not able to Arm our New Levies. From what cause this has 
arisen is not my business at present to attend to, though I think it 
obvious. 

" The operations of this year depend entirely upon the single circum- 
stance of our being able to procure a sufficiency. 

" By some fatal misconduct or neglect the Arms expected from Europe 
are not arrived, and indeed cannot be expected in season; it is there- 
fore necessary to use every exertion in our power for an immediate 
supply. 

" I have advised Baron Steuben, Inspector-General, to apply to the 
New England States for the loan of a certain number that they may 
have on hand or could collect from the several Towns, though this may 
be attended with difficulty and in some instances to appearance injure 
individuals, yet when put in competition with an inert Campaign it cer- 
tainly bears no comparison. 

" The Baron has requested of me to wi-ite you on the subject. I have 
not the least doubt that you will do everything in your power to procure 
an immediate supply. The success of this year most certainly will in a 
gi-eat degree depend on it, and probably the events of the war. 

" I am your Honor's most obedient and very humble servant, 

"John Paterson. 

'^To Hon. J. Powell, President of Council for Massachusetts Bay.'" * 

The following receipt for levies was given in August : 

"Camp Aug 29 1780 
"Reed, of Ensign Blasdel seventeen Levies from the Massachusetts 
State which are to serve in the Continental Sei'vice six months 

"John Paterson B G."t 

No movements of troops of any kind occurred until July and 
August of this year. The army was concentrated at Peekskill 
on the east side of the river to make a feint toward New York, 

* Massachusetts Archives, vol. ccii., p. 397. 

f Massachusetts Senate Documents, No. 1899. 



118 LIFE OF 3IAJ0R-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1780 but Washington afterward changed his mind and marched 
down the west side of the Hudson on a reconnoissance on a 
large scale to Forts Lee and Bergen. This movement from 
the east to the west side took place at Dobbs' Ferry in August. 
In the same month General Paterson erected a block-house 
and battery at Dobbs' Ferry to defend the ferry. Divine 
service was celebrated on Sunday, August 20th, in an open 
field, and a very effective sermon was preached by Chap- 
lain Enos Hitchcock, of General Paterson's brigade. It had 
been proposed dm-ing the summer to attack New York, and 
some of the generals strongl}^ favored it, but most of them 
disapproved, and it was not done. In the formation of the 
army General Paterson's brigade was put in Baron Steuben's 
division, second in the line, on the left wing. On this march 
he was frequently brigadier of the day. They were at Orange- 
town and Tappan August 10th, Teaneck August 31st, Steen- 
rapie September 12th. The sick of the Hglit infantry and of 
the right wing who were unable to march were collected in 
the rear of General Paterson's brigade. On September 12th 
he was on a general court-martial at Steenrapie, New Jersey. 
On that day it was ordered that fifty men, properly officered, 
from every brigade in the army should attend in the rear of 
General Paterson's brigade. On September 19th orders to 
march with the sick were received. On September 15, 1780, he 
wrote to Baron Steuben as follows : 

" Sir : * 

" I esteem it my duty to represent to you the disagreeable and dis- 
tressing circumstances of the brigade under my command for the want 
of provisions. Had this been new or accidental I should not have taken 
notice of it, but for a mimber of weeks we have not had an allowance of 
meat more than half the time ; particularly in this month we have had 
but seven and a half rations. Should this continue, I am fearful of the 
conseqiiences. The officers, fretted already by the treatment they have 
met with from the country, are, I believe, in general determined to quit 
the service at the close of this campaign, and unless times have a better 
aspect, I fear the others will follow their example. 

* Kapp's "Life of Steuben," p. 285. 



TREASON OF ARNOLD. 119 

" Those in my brigade are really in distress, and depend solely on the 1780 
rations they receive for support, not one in twenty being able to piu-- 
chase a dinner. It has also a very bad effect upon the soldiery ; they, 
from being moral and peaceable, I find are giving way to those vices 
which are the peculiar attendants of an army without provisions. 

" You may depend, sir, this representation does not proceed from a 
feverish, complaining disposition, but the contrary. My wish is to see 
the army well supplied, which I think will effectually prevent all those 
evils we fear ; resignations, mutiny, and marauding would in gi-eat de- 
gree, if not totally, be prevented, and a spirit of obedience take place in 

their stead. 

"John Paterson." 



During the absence of Washington at Wethersfield, Con- 
necticut, to meet Count Rochambeau, the general of the French 
troops, and General Duportail, the admiral of the French 
fleet, Arnold's treason occm-red. The news of it reached 
the army while it was making evolutions forty or fifty 
miles below, at Oraugetown, on September 20th and 27th. 
Paterson's brigade left West Point to join the army at Peeks- 
kill on the 28th of July. Arnold went there on the 3d and 
4th of August. After the treason the Pennsylvania division 
was immediately hurried off to West Point, with a few other 
troops. It was undoubtedly the absence of the army from 
West Point which had a great deal to do with the selection 
of the time for the treason of Arnold. In the meantime 
Major Andre had been arrested in om- hues. His trial took 
place on September 29, 1780. The court was composed of aU 
the generals commanding in the \icinity. It was made up of 
six major-generals and eight brigadier-generals, and a colonel 
as judge advocate-general. General Paterson was the young- 
est brigadier of the American army, and the youngest mem- 
ber of the court except Lafayette. He was at that time one 
of only eight generals of his rank from New Hampshire to 
Pennsylvania. No greater compliment could have been paid 
to these officers by their Commander-in-Chief, since he knew 
that this trial was to be scrutinized and critically judged by 
all the governments of the world. 

After the sitting of the court which tried Major Andre, 



120 LIFE OF MAJOK-GENERAL JOHN PATERSO:?. 

1780 General Paterson wrote in October a letter to General Heath 
complaining- that the country was not supporting the army 
properly, and suggesting the best methods of enlisting re- 
cruits. As for himself, he declared that he was ruined finan- 
cially, and must resign on that account. He, however, re- 
mained to render very efficient ser\dce until the end of the 
war. 

On November, 1780, at the request of Colonel Variek, who had 
been military secretary to Arnoki, and by the advice of General 
Washington, a court of inquiry was held at West Point " to 
ascertain the part acted by Lieut.-Colonel Variek relative to 
the transactions of General x\i-nold." On this trial those who 
could be present gave testimony among others. General Pater- 
son sent the letter given below. Colonel Variek was acquitted. 

"To the Court of Inquiry on the Conduct of Col. Variek: 

''Camp Totawa Oct 19th 1780 
"I hereby certify on Honor, That I have been particularly acquainted 
with Col. Variek ever since June 1777 & have ever found him to be the 
diligent industrious officer; He always appeared to be sincerely con- 
cerned for the cause of America & never by Actions or Words, gave me 

the least suspicion to the Contrary 

" John Paterson " * 

In October, while concentrating some of the troops at West 
Point, the main army moved to Totoway and remained there 
about six weeks. On Octol)er 7th they were at Orange Farm, 
and were ordered to march by Paramus to Totoway and to 
stop at Bogart's MiUs. The order was : " The first column will 
move to the right in the order named and wiU take the route 
by Paramus to Totoway. The Connecticut division, General 
Howe's division, Baron Steuben's division, the Massachusetts 
corps will patrol during the march for the purpose of taking 
up stragglers and preventing confusion and disorder. Lord 
Stirhng wiU direct this column. They will make a short halt 
to refresh at Bogart's Mills." General Paterson was briga- 
dier of the day at Totoway, October 9th, 15th, 25th, and 30th, 

* Owned by W. E. Benjamin, New York. 



DARK DAYS. 121 

and on November 4th, 9th, 12th, and 17th. On November 9th 1780 
Washington ordered the Massachusetts troops to winter at 
West Point. On November 27th they left Totoway to man 
Forts Clinton, Putnam, WiUis, and Webb. On November 28, 
1780, they went into their winter quarters in the Highlands. 
The four Massachusetts brigades were thus added to the gar- 
rison at West Point, and the general headquarters were estab- 
lished at New Windsor. The 4th brigade was assigned to Fort 
Clinton and its dependencies, the 2d to the defense of Forts 
WiUis, Putnam, and Webb, the 3d (Paterson's) and the 1st 
to be ready to act as emergency might require, and " on all 
alarms to form on their brigade parades ready to receive 
orders." This winter General Heath was in command in the 
Highlands and Paterson in command at the -'Point." 

The summer and faU of 1780 were the darkest days of the 
American Revolution. The people were wearied, and M'hile 
the British had gained no substantial ground, it seemed now 
as if they must. Cornwallis was flushed with victory in tlie 
south, and again lioasted that he would l)ag in a few weeks 
all that was left of the rebel army. Congress had shown itself 
inefficient and incapable. The people had no confidence in it. 
They seemed to l)e attacked liy a general administrative par- 
alysis. They had adopted the policy of "fiat money." Con- 
gress had no power to tax. In lieu of it they proposed to use 
a printing-press, and really thought that they could create 
value by issuing a promise to pay, based upon nothing. The 
people had suffered more from this depreciation of the cui-- 
i-ency than from the enemy. It was not that the people were 
less patriotic, or the country less rich. There were plenty of 
resources, but the relations of the States to each other were not 
defined. There were jealousies in the States and among the 
military of the different States, so that a great deal of energy 
was frittered away. At the end of 1778 a paper dollar was 
Avorth sixteen cents in the north and twelve cents in the south. 
In 1780 it fell to two cents, and Washington said it took a 
"wagon-load of money to purchase a wagon-load of provisions. 
In October the follomng wholesale prices ruled in Boston : 



122 LIFE OF MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1780 Indian corn, $150 a bushel; "butter, $12 a poimd; tea, $90; 
sugar, $10 ; beef, $8 ; coffee, $12 ; flour, $1575 per barrel. A 
suit of clothes was worth $2000, From here the value of the 
bills went to nothing. The people, and Congress as weU, were 
obliged to depend on "■ specific supplies." People were not 
paid, but furnished with so much flour, beef, rice, potatoes, 
and rum. The whole country lent itseK to the principle of 
the old-fashioned New England ** donation parties," still extant 
in New England up to the time of the Civil War. It was the 
darkest period, but it was just before the dawn. If the Amer 
icans were exhausted, so were the British, and all that was- 
necessary to finish the war were the successes which were to 
come in the south. 

After the treason of Arnold there w^as but httle fighting 
in the north. The work of the army consisted mostly of field 
maneuvers, with some few alarms, but few combats. It 
w^as necessary to hold West Point and the Highlands of the 
Hudson River, and to make feints from there to prevent the 
British from going any distance from New York. The High- 
lands got the name of the *' hated Highlands " for the reason, 
that there were nearly five years of inactivity spent there while 
active campaigning was going on in the south. General Pat- 
erson was one of those condemned to this inactivity so far as 
fighting was concerned, but his record during these years is- 
as bright as it was while he was actively engaged. 

Towards the close of the year Congress determined to re- 
deem the two hundred millions of paper already issued by tea 
millions, bearing interest at five per cent., redeemable in nat- 
ural produce at the end of six years. Four parts of this were 
to go to Congress, six were to be divided proportionally 
among the States according to the amount of old notes which 
they had issued. The expenditures of the year 1780 were 
three millions. The French and Spanish loans and this cred- 
it were expected to cover aU immediate claims. The holders 
of the old paper, as they were to receive only one dollar of 
the new issue for forty of the old, did not present it, and be- 
fore long one dollar in coin became worth as much as five 



DARK DAYS. 123 

hundred of the old paper. Under these conditions, in Febrn- 1 780-1781 
ary, 1781, Robert Morris was appointed to study the financial 
situation. 

On November 28th the army went into winter quarters, the 
Jersey brigades returned to that State, the four Massachusetts 
brigades were added to the garrison at West Point, and the 
two from Connecticut were stationed on the east side of 
the Hudson River opposite to Constitution Island. The gen- 
eral headquarters were established at New Windsor. On 
November 30th General Heath writes : " The four Massa- 
chusetts brigades arrived at West Point, where they went 
into winter quarters." In this winter of 1780-81 General 
Heath commanded at West Point himself. The 1st brigade 
was at Fort Clinton, the 2d at West Point, and the 3d, which 
was Paterson's, and the 4th were ordered to be ready to act in 
any emergency. General Paterson remained at West Point 
until June, 1781. 

The year 1780-81 was one of great distress. General Pater- 
son spent the winter at West Point. The season was a severe 
one. The troops had neither sufficient clothing nor food. 
The currency of the country was wholly of paper, which was 
depreciated and depreciating. The army had been obUged to 
seize grain to keep themselves alive, as the States neglected 
or refused to furnish it. We had been defeated at Charles- 
ton in May, and at Camden in August. We had received 
reinforcements from France, but they had done but little. 
Ai'uold was a traitor. The war was long, and the people be- 
gan to be tired, and to show the effects of it in apathy about 
the army. Many of the enlistments had been made just after 
Saratoga for "three years or the war," but the three years 
were up, and the war seemed no nearer its close than before. 
The soldiers wished to be released, but the officers insisted on 
the contract being kept. Some of the troops marched out of 
their camps in excellent order to go to Philadelphia to frighten 
Congress into granting them redress. They refused to listen 
to the British emissaries ; they were not traitors ; and actually 
hanged the men who came from them as spies. They refused 



124 LIFE OF MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1781 to listen to the officers sent to them by Washington ; but 
finally, when the president of Congress granted them aU their 
terms, they quietly dispersed. The next mutiny, on the 20th 
of January, was not treated in this way. The troops were 
surrounded, forced to lay down their arms, and the ringlead- 
ers shot. 

On January 1st the army was re-brigaded, and Paterson's 
brigade was made the 2d Massachusetts brigade and in- 
cluded the 2d Massachusetts regiment. Colonel Sprout ; the 
8th, Colonel M. Jackson ; and the 5th, Colonel Putnam. His 
aide-de-camp was Lieutenant Thomas Cole, and his brigade 
chaplain was Rev. Enos Hitchcock, a graduate of Harvard 
and afterward a celeljrated Doctor of Divinity at Beverly, 
Massachusetts. On January 1, 1781, they were at New Wind- 
sor. On January 15th, from West Point, General Knox ap- 
pealed to Congress on behalf of the Massachusetts troops. 
The order given below shows how the troops were paid, and 
the confidence which the authorities felt in the eventual suc- 
cess of the war : 

" Commonwealth of Massachusetts : 

" By His Excellency the Governor 

" You are by and with the Advice and Consent of Council, ordered and 
directed to pay unto John Paterson Brigi" General the Sum of One hundred 
and Twelve pounds ten shillings one half thereof to be paid in Specie the 
other half in Bills of the New Emission at their nominal value which is 
to be hereafter ascertained on accoimt of three Months pay for the year 
1780 agreeable to a resolve of the 16 June last for which this shall be 
your Warrant. 

"Given vmder my hand at Boston the Seventh Day of August 1781 in 
the Sixth Year of American Independence. 

"i'119-in "John Hancock.* 

" To Hon. Henrij Gardner Esq Treasurer. 

" By Order of the Governor with the Advice and Consent of Council 

" John Avery See'ry 
" His Excellene J' the Governor & Honble Council. 

"This Certifies that John Paterson Esq, Brigadier General is intitled 
to receive One hundred & twelve pounds ten shillings in Specie being for 

* Massachusetts Archives, vol. ccxxvii., p. 351. 



TARDY PAY:\IENT OF THE SOLDIERS. 125 

wages due to him in the last three months of the year 1780 Agreeable to 1781 

a resolve of the General Court of March last. 

" Stephen Gorman ) 

" Thus Walley ; Committee." 

" Samuel Austin ) 

In May and June General Paterson was at West Point, where 
lie received personal orders from Washington to hold the troops 
in constant readiness for action, to instruct the water-guards to 
maintain extra \agilance, and to use every endeavor to obtain 
information of the enemy's numbers and designs, and to report 
to him at New Windsor daily. The followdng receipt and 
order from Lenox show how tardy and of how little value was 
the payment of the troops : 

" I hereby certify that Mr Ebenezer Bement of Great Barrington on 

the 10th day of June A D 1777 was by Genii Orders Appointed Brigade 

Major to Me. In Office he continued to Act, with reputation Till the 

seventh day of July then next. When at the Battle of Hubarton he was 

wounded and taken Prisoner, and was not exchanged till the seventh of 

January 1779 and had not Eec'd the nominal sum of his Wagers untill the 

12th of August 1779 I think it my duty on this Occasion to Observe that 

it appears to me Highly reasonable that Maji" Bement should be allowed 

for the dejireciation of the Currency to the time he Received the nominal 

sum in Continental Currency which was the 12th of August 1779. 

"John Paterson B Genl.* 
" Lenox April 1781." 

In May, in fear of an attack, General Washington sent the 
following letter to General Paterson, which, with the reply, is 
given below : 

•To Brig. -Gen. Paterson at West Point, E. Q., Xew Windsor, May 14th, 
17S1. 

"Dear Sir : I have received yours of this day. Should the enemy still 
be out, you will instantly put the Connecticut Line in motion, with orders 
to reinforce the corps under Colonel Scammel. The troops must all be 
held in the most perfect readiness for action, and the water-guards be 
instructed to use the greatest vigilance. 

• ' Every effort will be necessary to gain early, regular, and constant in- 
telligence of the enemy's number, motions, and designs, which you will 
be pleased to communicate to me. 

* Massachusetts Archives, vol. ecxxxiv., p. 290. 



126 LIFE OF MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1781 "Should anything material happen, I shall wish to be informed imme- 
diately, and even though nothing of consequence should take place, you 
will please to let me hear from you by morning. 

"I am, etc., 

" George Washington." * 

"West Point, May 14, 1781. 
" Sir : I have just received your Excellency's letter. The Enemy hav- 
ing retired makes the Disposition mentioned in your letter, with respect 
to them, at this Time unnecessary. This moment I have received the 
inclosed Letters, which agreeable to your Excellency's desire, as they 
contain the latest Intelligence I have, I have transmitted. Should I hear 
anything more respecting this unhappy affair, I shall as early as possible 
communicate it to your Excellency, 
"lam 

" respectfully 

"your obedient and very humble 
" Servant 
"John PATERSON."t 
His Excellency General Washington. 

Endorsed 

From General Paterson 

enclosing letter from Col. Scammell. 

In June the army went into the field at Peekskill. Wash- 
ington moved down to Yonkers for a feint upon New York. 
General Paterson's brigade was in General Lincoln's division 
left of first line. In July, 1781, he marched from Peekskill 
toward New York, and took position at Phillipslnirg, near 
Dobbs' Ferry. On July 21st they were at Verplanck's and 
Stony Point. During the winter of 1779-80 the harbor of 
New York was frozen over so solidly that crossing from shore 
to shore was easily done. This was a constant menace to the 
British, who feared that the Americans would take this occa- 
sion to attack the city. The American army was too destitute 
to attempt any field maneuvers on a large scale, but this was 
fortunately not known to the British. The fear of the British 
that an attack would be made was a strong defense to these 

* Washington's "Letters," vol. iii.. No. 65. 
+ Collection of S. Gratz, Esq., of Philadelphia. 



STARTING FOR YORKTO^\^S^. 127 

destitute troops. Both parties were content to watoh each 17S1 
other's movements. Nothing was done during the summer 
which realized any substantial gain to either party. In May, 
1781, Washington held a conference with Rochambeau, the 
French commander, as the residt of wliich the French fleet set 
sail, it was thought, for the Hudson. Clinton kept himself 
fully informed of these movements. He expected an attack, - 
and the greater part of the American army expected to make 
it. Washington had studiously fostered this idea. Move- 
ments of the troops were constantly made, apparently with 
the idea of confii-ming this opinion. In July, with this end in 
view, an attack was made on the English posts. Clinton, cer- 
tain that the expected attack on New York was soon to be 
made, called on Cornwallis in Yorktown for troops. Each 
army was on the alert against any movement. On August 
14tli Washington heard that Count de Grasse was to enter 
the Chesapeake. The American posts were all garrisoned for 
defense — those in the north for any attack from Canada, and 
those on the Hudson from New York. Every means was 
taken to convince Clinton that New York was in great dan- 
ger. On August 1 9th Washington broke up camp on the east 
side of the Hudson, crossed the river, and started for York- 
town. Clinton knew of this movement, but still finn in his 
belief that New York was to l)e attacked, thought that it 
was to be done by way of Staten Island. The army left on 
the Hudson maneuvered in such a way as to confirm tliis 
belief. On August 23d Washington issued general orders for 
the march. The next day the army had started south. It was 
not until about September 1st, when Washington was ready 
to cross the Delaware, that Clinton discovered his mistake, 
and it was then too late for him to oppose the movement. 
The army in the Highlands prevented any serious movement 
of the British, either in New York or New England, and made 
it unsafe for Clinton to send any reinforcements to Cornwal- 
lis at Yorktown. When Washington started for Yorktown he 
needed men on whose judgment he could have perfect reli- 
ance, and in whose abiUtv to check anv advance on the river 



128 LIFE OF IMAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1781-1782 forlificatious he could trust, and so General Paterson and 
others were left to watch the British in New York from their 
strongholds on the Hudson. In August, September, and Oc- 
tober General Paterson was at West Point, in November he ^ 
was at New "Windsor, and in December he was at Verplanek's 
Point with General Washington. On December 15th he was 
again at the " Point." On that day it was ordered " General 
Paterson's brigade will muster on Monday next at 11 a.m.'^ 
The Massachusetts divisions remained under General Heath 
to defend the Highlands. General Heath fell back to Peeks- 
kiU, and the following winter of 1781-82 was spent for the 
most part at West Point. Prom January to May, 1782, Gen- 
eral Paterson was at New York Huts, near the '* Point." In 
February the officers sent a petition to Congress relating to 
land grants which had been promised them. 

"Westpoint, Feb. 3, 1782. 
" Sir : The officers of the Massachusetts line having made choice of 
Captain Heywood to go to Philadelphia with their memorial, I wish you 
to take the trouble of informing the commanding officers of the several 
regiments under your command that it is necessary they send to Capt. 
Heywood as soon as possible, the sum (ten Dollars) which was voted, at 
a former meeting of the officers, to be advanced for defraying his ex- 
penses. 

"I am, sir, your most obedt Servt 

"John Paterson.* 
"Colonel H. Jackson." 

On April 7th he was a member of the court-martial to try 
Major-General McDougall. On April 28th, while General 
Paterson was at New York Huts, his brigade was reviewed by 
Washington and complimented in general orders. On May 
' 23d General Paterson and all officers commanding brigades 
were ordered to meet at General Heath's headquarters at 
1 P.M. On May 31, 1782, at West Point, the bu-th of the Dau- 
phin of France was notified to the command with military 
honors. The orders were as f oUows : "The commander-in- 

*From the collection of Chas. Roberts, Esq., of Philadelphia, Pa. 



BIRTH OF THE DAUPHIN. 129 

chief annonnces the birth of a Daiiphiu of France. At 7.30 1782 
the feu-de-joie will commence with the discharge of thirteen 
pieces of cannon from the park, succeeded hj fire of mus- 
ketry from the infantr}' as follows : •2d Massachusetts Bri- 
gade, 1st Massachusetts Brigade." On June 8, 1782, and again 
on June 10th at Xewburg, General Washington complimented 
the appearance and maneuvering of the Massachusetts bri- 
gade, and said he " never saw men in service make a more re- 
spectable appearance." On June 17, 1782, the following brigade 
orders were issued by General McDougall, who had been in 
command since December, 1781 : " The Hon. Brigadier-Gen- 
eral Paterson having expressed his wish that some honorary 
mark of distinction should be worn by each non-commissioned 
officer or private in his brigade who had served in the army 
of the United States a certain length of time, and has also 
made a present of material for that purpose, therefore the 
commandant thinks proper to direct that each non-commis- 
sioned officer and private who has served four years in Con- 
tinental regiments shall be entitled to wear one stripe of 
white tape on the left sleeve of his regimental coat. This 
stripe shall extend from seam to seam on the upper part of 
the sleeve three inches from and parallel with shoulder- 
seam, so that the tape may form a herring-bone figure." 

In June, July, and August General Paterson was still at 
West Point. On August 29th he was at Newburg. He had 
the 2d Massachusetts brigade (left wing) commanded by 
Major-General Heath. The division was under Major-General 
Howe. On the 31st of August the Massachusetts brigades and 
the Highland troops generally moved down by water to Ver- 
planck's Point, on the east side of the river, and remained there 
until October. He was brigadier of the day on September 3d, 
7th, 11th, 14th, 18th, October 15th and 20th. Wliile there 
the brigade was put into General Howe's division on the 
left wing under General Heath. In September and October 
he was at Verplanck's Point, busily engaged in di-iUing the 
troops and bringing them up to a high state of discipline. 
On October 28th the army broke up camp and went to New 



130 LIFE OF JVIAJOR-GENERAl. JOHN PATERSON. 

1782 Windsor and Newburg, encamping- back of New Windsor, the 
encampment being- called " the Newburg encampment " or " the 
New Windsor cantonment." On December IGth he and Gen- 
eral Gates settled disputes about rank in the Connecticut 
line. General Paterson's brigade was encamped for the win- 
ter about one and a half miles west of New Windsor. He 
commanded the left wing of this encampment. 

The distress of the army had now become so great, partly 
from the depreciation of the currency, partly from the want 
of supplies, partly from the neglect of prompt payment of the 
officers and soldiers, that in December he, with others, sent a 
strong appeal to Congress for a proper relief for the army. 

"Cantonments on the Hudson River, December, 1782. 
"To the United States in Congress assembled : 

" The address and petition of the officers of the Army of the United 
States Humbly Sheweth 

" That we, the officers of the army of the United States, in behalf of our- 
selves and our brethren the soldiers, beg leave, with all proper deference 
and respect, freely to state to Congress, the supreme power of the United 
States, the great distress under which we labour. 

' ' At this period of the war it is with peculiar pain we find ourselves con- 
strained to address your august body, on matters of a pecuniary nature. 
We have struggled with our difficulties, year after year, under the hopes 
that each would be the last ; but we have been disappointed. We find 
our embarrassments thicken so fast, and have become so complex, that 
many of us are unable to go further. In this exigence we apply to Con- 
gress for relief as our head and sovereign. 

" To prove that our hardships are exceedingly disproportionate to those 
of any other citizens of America, let a recurrence be had to the paymas- 
ter's accounts, for four years past. If to this it should be objected, that 
the respective States have made settlements and given securities for the 
pay due, for part of that time, let the present value of those nominal 
obligations be ascertained by the monied men, and they will be found to 
be worth little indeed ; and yet, trifling as they are, many have been 
under the sad necessity of parting with them, to prevent their families 
from actually starving. 

"We complain that shadows have been offered to us while the sub- 
stance has been gleaned by others. 

"Our situation compels us to search for the cause of our extreme pov- 
erty. The citizens murmur at the greatness of their taxes, and are aston- 



PETITION TO CONGRESS. 131 

islied that no part reaches the army. The numerous demands, which are 1782 
between the first collectors and the soldiers, swallow up the whole. 

" Ova' distresses are now brought to a point. We have borne all that 
men can bear — our property is expended — our private resources are at an 
end, and our friends are wearied out and disgusted with our incessant 
applications. We, therefore, most seriously and earnestly beg that a 
supply of money may be forwarded to the army as soon as possible. The 
uneasiness of the soldiers for want of pay, is great and dangerous ; any 
further experiments on their patience may have fatal effects. 

" The promised subsistence or ration of provisions consisted of certain 
articles specified in kind and quantity. The ration, without regard, that 
we can conceive, to the health of the troops, has been frequently altered, 
as necessity or conveniency suggested, generally losing by the change 
■some part of its substance. On an average, not more than seven or eight 
tenths have been issued. The retained parts were, for a short time, paid 
for ; but the business became troublesome to those who were to execute it. 
For this or some other reasons, all regard to the dues, as they respected 
the soldiers, has been discontinued (now and then a trifling gratuity ex- 
cepted). As these dues respected the officers, they were compensated 
during one year, and part of another, by an extra ration ; as to the re- 
tained rations, the account for several years remains unsettled ; there is a 
large balance due upon it, and a considerable sum for that of forage. 

" The clothing was another part of the soldiers' hire. The arrearages 
on that score, for the year 1777, were paid off in continental money, 
when the dollar was worth about fourpence ; the arrearages for the fol- 
lowing years are unliquidated, and we apprehend scarcely thought of biit 
by the army. Wlienever there has been a real want of means, any defect 
in system, or neglect in execution, in the departments of the army, we 
have invariably been the sufferers, by hunger and nakedness, and by 
languishing in an hospital. 

"We beg leave to urge an immediate adjustment of all dues ; that as 
great a part as possible be paid, and the remainder put on such a footing 
as will restore cheerfulness to the army, revive confidence in the justice 
and generosity of its constituents, and contribute to the very desirable 
effect of re-establishing public credit. 

" We are grieved to find that our brethren, who retired from service on 
lialf-pay, under the resolution of Congi-ess in 17.80, are not only destitute 
of any effectual provision, but are become the objects of obloquj-. Their 
condition has a very discouraging aspect on us, who must sooner or later 
retire, and from every considei'ation of justice, gratitude, and policy, 
demands attention and redress. 

" We regard the act of Congress respecting half-pay, as an honourable 
and just recompense for several years' hard service, in which the health 
and fortunes of the officers have been worn down and exhausted. We 



132 LIFE OF MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1782 see with chagi-iu the odious point of view iu which the citizens of too 
many of the States endeavour to place the men entitled to it. We hope, 
for the honour of human nature, that there are none so hardened in the 
sin of ingratitude, as to deny the justice of the reward. We have reason 
to believe that the objection generally is against the mode only. To pre- 
vent, therefore, any altercation and distinctions which may tend to injui'e 
that harmony whicli we ardently desire may reign throughout the com- 
munity, we are willing to commute the half-pay pledged, for full pay for 
a certain number of years, or for a sum in gross, as shall be agreed to by 
the committee sent with this address. And in this we pray, that the 
disabled officers and soldiers, with the widows and orphans of those who 
have expended or may expend their lives iu the service of their country, 
may be fully comprehended. We also beg, that some mode may be 
pointed out for the eventual payment of those soldiers who are the sub- 
jects of the resolution of Congi'ess of the 15th May, 1778. 

"To the representation now made, the army have not a doubt that 
Congress will pay that attention which the serious nature of it re- 
quires. It would be criminal in the officers to conceal the general 
dissatisfaction which prevails, and is gaining gi-ound in the army, from 
the pressure of evils and injuries, which, in the course of seven long^ 
years, have made their condition in many instances wretched. They 
therefore entreat, that Congress, to convince the army and the world that 
the independence of America shall not be placed on the ruin of any par- 
ticular class of her citizens, will point out a mode for immediate redress. 



On part of the 
Massachusetts line. 



"H. Knox, M. General. 
"John Paterson, B. General. 
" J. Greaton, Colonel. 
" John Crane, Colonel. 
"H. Maxwell, Lieut. Colonel. 

[Here follows eight other signatures of officers of troops of four other 
States.] 
"Moses Hazen, Brigadier-General, 

"Cantonments, Hudson Birer, December, 1782."* 

In March, 1783, Lieutenant Phelon was appointed his aide- 
de-camp, to take effect from June, 1782. General Paterson was 
brigadier of the day on April 17th and 26th, May 1st, 5th, 9th/ 
26th, and June 1st, 5th, and 17th. The Massachusetts troops 
and the rest of the garrison were reviewed and complimented 
by General Washington. This was the last winter encamp- 

"^ From Journals of Congress, April, 1783, vol. viii., p. 167, Philadel- 
phia, 1800. 



DUTIES AT WEST POCSTT. 133 

ment of the Revolutionary army. They remained here until 1783 
the 20th of June, when the army was mustered out, but the 
Massachusetts troops remained in ser\aee. They were di\'ided 
into ])rigades. On June 20th the following order was issued 
from Newburg : " Brigadier-General Patersou mU take com- 
mand of the 1st Massachusetts brigade and Brigadier-General 
Greaton of the 2d. These troops will march to-morrow to 
West Point for accurate inspection." General Greaton had 
been promoted on Januar}^ 7th. The post was at that time in 
command of Major-General Knox. By the orders of the Sec- 
retary of War the men were employed in building arsenals 
and magazines at that post. General Paterson, in expectation 
of immediately going there, wrote to General Knox on the 
21st the letter given below : 

*' To Major-General E)tox : 

" Sir : I have directed my Quarter Master to proceed with all possible 
dispatch to West Point, & receive your instructions where the troops are 
to be encamped : I could wish that they might occupy the ground which 
I referred to when you was at the public building on Thursday last, so 
far as is convenient, at least. 

" The troops will leave this ground on Monday morning next, & make 
the best of their way to the Point. 

" I have desired the Q. Master to apply to you for instructions what 

steps he must take to procm*e me agi-eeable Quarters ; I prefer a house 

to myself, being more satisfactory than vrith company. Your politeness 

in this matter will much oblige. Sir, 

"Your most obedient & 

"Humble servant 

"John Paterson. 
"Massachusetts Hutts, 21st June, 1783."* 

The news that riots had broken out among the dissatisfied 
Pennsylvania troops and that Congress had been actually 
sm-rounded and threatened by less than three hundi-ed men, 
and had felt obliged to leave Philadelphia to meet in Prince- 
ton, reached Washington at Newburg on the 24th of June. 
He immediately altered his previous orders, and now ordered 
Major-General Howe to go at once to Philadelphia with 1500 

* From the collection of Dr. John S. H. Fogg, of Boston. 



134 LIFE OF ]VIAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1783 men. General Paterson and his brigade were ordered to form 
part of these troops. 

"West Point, June 22d, 1783.* 
"Gen. Patersons brigade & one Regt are to be ready to march to- 
morrow morning, to move to King's Ferry, by water. Gen Paterson will 
give returns. Gen Paterson will order a subaltern, two sergeants & 24 
rank & file to relieve posts 3 & 4. Brigade orders from Gen Paterson 
commanding Hospital subjects to be sent to Philadelphia." 

On receiving these orders General Paterson started at once, 
as the letter below shows : 

"Reynold's House, Smith's Clove, 
" Thursday morning, June 26, 1783. 
" Dear General : Your favor of last evening reached me this morning 
— where I had arrived about ten minutes prior to the arrival of your 
Letter — Your injunctions relative to my pressing on shall meet with all 
due notice — I shall make no unnecessary delay, and not remain longer on 
this groimd than giving sufficient time for the soldiery to cook the fresh 
provisions they have on hand, to prevent its being lost — the weather we 
find exceedingly warm, and I am sorry to add that a nuinher of the men 
are destitute of shoes, which I fear will impede the march, unless some 
steps are devised to supply them. 

" If possible, you may depend on my seeing Ringwood this evening — 
and be assured that nothing shall be wanting on my part to facilitate the 
wishes of Congress, my General, and yourself. 

"I am, Dear Sir, with esteem & respect 

"Your humble servant 
"7 o'clock, A.M. "John Paterson, B. Gen'l."f 

He went to King's Ferry with the 1st, 2d, and 3d Massa- 
chusetts regiments to go by water to Philadelphia to put down 
the mutiny, and presided over the court-martial to punish the 
offenders. On July 16th the court-martial went into session ; it 
was postponed until further orders on September 4th. On July 
8th, I at Philadelphia, General Paterson was ordered to fix on 
a convenient place for the people coming to market in camp 
to dispose of their produce. The 1st regiment was ordered as 

* Garrison Orders, "Worcester. 

t From the collection of Dr. John S. H. Fogg, of Boston. 

t Captain Cushing's orderly books, Worcester. 



co:5mA^'D OF aat;st point. 135 

his personal guard. On July 12th the od regnnent took the 1783 
place of the 1st. On July 15th a general court-martial, of 
which Ixeueral Paterson was to be president, was ordered the 
next day. On July 17th, 18th, 19th, and 26th the 1st regi- 
ment was ordered to ])e his guard. On August 2'4th he was 
ordered to determine the number of guards necessary for eacli 
regiment. On September 21st it was ordered, " for the execu- 
tion of Sergeants Xaggle and Morrison of the Pennsylvania 
line. General Paterson shall appoint the place and give all the 
necessary directions." These men were among the mutineers 
sentenced by the court-martial. They were pardoned before 
the execution. On September 25, 1783, Cxeneral Howe, who 
was in command, complimented General Paterson's troops as 
they were about to leave on the next day for West Point. He 
returned to West Point in October, and was discharged in 
December, 1783. 

It thus appears that General Paterson was constantly in the 
Highlands from the winter of 1778-79 until 1783, and that he 
frequently commanded at West Point. There were but four 
generals who were closely identified with West Point during 
the Revolution — leaving Arnold out of the question, whose con- 
nection was short and inglorious. The first was General Par- 
sons, who commanded in the winter of 1777-78, and who was 
the first commander there. The second was General Pater- 
son, who was in sole command diu-ing the winters of 1778-79, 
1779-80. During the winter of 1780-81 he was under Gen- 
eral Heath, and 1781-82, under McDougall, foiu' seasons. 
This was much longer than any other general or garrison 
commander. He was also at the " Point " in the summer and 
fall of 1783, before he went to Philadelphia, and after his re- 
turn. The third was General McDougall, who had general 
.''ommand, and was actual commandant at times, as during 
the fall and winter of 1781-82. The fom-th was General 
Heath, who was there for three seasons. General Knox was 
only in charge during the time that the army was being dis- 
banded, or from June to December, 1783. General Paterson 
was at West Point almost continuouslv from December 18, 



136 LIFE OF 3L4JOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1783 1778, to July, 1780, more thau a year and a half. The Mass- 
achusetts troops which he commanded formed the garrison 
either in whole or in part dming these four seasons. He was 
never away except for ver}' short periods, and then generally 
on duty elsewhere. West Point was his station. From July 
to December, 1780, he was with the main army under Wash- 
ington mo\dng aliout on the west side of the river at Dobbs' 
Ferry, Orangetown, Liberty Pole, Totoway, etc., then back to 
West Point to remain until August, 1781, when he was with 
the army on the east side of the river a short time under 
Washington, until the Commander-in-Chief went to York- 
town, and then under General Heath, when he went back 
again to West Point and stayed there until the summer of 

1782. After this date the whole army was under Washing- 
ton's personal command, and was collected there simply to 
keep itself in form, and had a fine camp at Yerplanck's Point. 
It then crossed up to New Windsor and wintered there for the 
last time, 1782-83, West Point being garrisoned at that time 
by a few troops who could winter in its huts. A general at 
that time was no longer needed there. In March, 1783, he 
signs himself '' commander of the left wing of Newburg can- 
tonment." On the 2d of April he signs himself " senior officer 

of the Massachusetts line." 

" Cantonments American Army, 

" New Windsor, April 2, 1783. 

" Sir : A vacancy for a majority happened for Captain John Burnam of 
the Massachusetts Line on the 7th January last, by the promotion of 
Colonel Greaton, therefore I request your Excellency would be pleased to 
issue him a Warrant agreeable to transmit it hence as soon as may be. 

" I am with respectful sentiments of esteem and respect, your Excel- 
lency's most obedient and very humble servant 

"John Paterson, B. Genl.* 
" His Excellency " Senior officer Massats Line. 

"Governor Hancock." 

The treaty of peace was signed in Paris on January 20, 

1783. It arrived in Philadelphia on March 23d and was pro- 
claimed on April 17th. Two days later, April 19th, was the 

" Massachusetts Archives, vol. clxxix., p. 226. 



CLOSE OF THE WAR. 137 

anniversary of the battle of Lexington, eight years previously. ] 783 
And so the struggle for freedom resulted, after eight years 
of war, mthin a day or two of the anniversary of the day it 
commenced, in the complete independence of the colonies and 
the establishment of a free government, and on the anniver- 
sary of the (lay tvhen John Paferson ordered his men to he ready 
to march at sunrise the next morning. 

The war closed offieiaUy on the 18th of April, 1783. The 
proclamation closing it was ordered to be read the next day 
at the head of every regiment and corps of the army, after 
which the chaplains with the several brigades were ordered to 
render thanks to Almighty God for the blessing of peace and 
for all His mercies. The religious spirit which had so char- 
acterized every act of the foundation of this country was still 
the prominent spirit of those days. In this proclamation 
General Washington made a prophecy which has become true 
in a much more general way than he could possibly have ex- 
pected. His proclamation closes with these words : 

" Happy, thrice happy, shall they be pronounced hereafter 
who have contributed anything, who have performed the 
meanest office in erecting this stupendous fabiic of freedom 
and empire on the broad basis of independency, who have 
assisted in protecting the rights of human nature and of es- 
tablishing an asylum for the poor and oppressed of all nations 
and religions." 

Orders were at once issued by the Secretary of War for 
the disbanding of the army, which was to be accomplished 
gradually. It took place by degrees during the summer. 
The general muster out of the army took place on June 13th. 
Only a few regiments were retained in service. On June 23d 
the camp at Newburg broke up and moved to West Point, 
where General Knox now commanded, as that was the only 
position of importance in that quarter necessary to be held. 
When peace was formally concluded, the rest of the army 
was disbanded by proclamation on November 2d, 1783, 
but the four Massachusetts regiments which General Pater- 
son had commanded were encamped in the Highlands and 



138 LIFE OF 3IAJ0R-GENERAL JOHN PATERSOX. 

1783 were retained until December, 1783, when tliey and he retired 
together to private life. The last of the British soldiers left 
New York on November 25th. Washington and Governor 
C'hnton entered the city the same day. More than twenty 
thousand loyalists left their homes, after the British went, to 
settle in various countries near the United States. A few re- 
turned to England, but many who could not go remained to 
die in the belief that the country, now separated from Eng- 
land, could never become anything but a feeble state, and» 
that the war from its commencement had been a mistake. On 
September 30th, 1783, General Paterson was commissioned as 
a major-general. He left the army in December, 1783, hav- 
ing remained in the service continually since his appointment 
as colonel. He was one of the last generals to leave the army. 
On his retirement he was granted half -pay for life. When 
he left Lenox that Saturday morning of 1775 at sunrise the 
thii'teen colonies were bounded on the west by the Allegha- 
nies ; when he resigned his commission and returned to that 
town the United States was bounded on the west by the 
Mississippi. 

When the war was over, Congress, which had never fully 
commanded the confidence of the people, seemed to have lost 
it entu'ely. It had during the war been in many cases con- 
trolled, or at least led, by intriguers. It had had no settled 
policy. It had been in favor of compromises when to make 
them would have been ruinous. It had listened gravely at 
times to calumniators of Washington, but had not acted on 
theii" suggestions, because the simple greatness of the man did 
not allow it. It had neglected both the navy and the army. 
The former made no complaints. The gains made by that 
exceedingly irregular arm of the service had been very large ; 
they made no complaints because they did not wish either 
criticism or investigation. The army had never been properly 
supported. It had no perquisites, it made no gains. It did 
the hard fighting and endured the suffering like heroes, never 
like mere soldiers for pay. When they had been paid at all, 
it was in a depreciated currency, which eventually became 



COST OF THE WAR. 139 

worthless. The whole army felt that they had suffered as 1783 
great wrong from Congress and from their own States or 
Provinces as the colonies had ever suffered from England. 
They had fought eight years to gain redi*ess from British 
wi"ongs, and at the end of it were greater sufferers than they 
had been at the commencement of the war. There were in- 
fluential people who supported the formation of an organized 
movement to compel Congress to fulfill its broken promises. 
There were threatenings of civil war. Congress made further 
promises, which it did not and could not fulfill. Bitter feel- 
ings were openly displayed in public meetings in New England. 
No one was satisfied ; everywhere there were local and personal 
jealousies. The seed of discontent was germinating, but was 
prevented by wise counsel from growing into civil war, as it 
afterward did in Massachusetts. 

The cost of the war had been, on an average, twenty mill- 
ions of dollars a year. The country had received from France 
and Spain, as gifts, two and a half millions. It had borrowed 
seven millions from France, two millions from Holland, and 
one and a half millions from Spain. The public debt was be- 
tween nine and ten millions. All the rest of the obligations 
of the country had faded out in the depreciation of the paper 
issued by Congress. Of the total debt, Congress had spent 
about two thirds and the States one third. The arrearages of 
interest on the public debt had been forgiven by the countries 
who held the obligations. An arrangement was made with 
them that the principal was to be repaid in yearly installments, 
commencing three years after peace was concluded. The dif- 
ference had been entirely lost. This was the contribution 
which the people had made. They had given both their blood 
and their treasure to the country, and, though dissension was 
rife, and resistance to the law and violent acts were counseled, 
they, for the most part, when the war was over, returned to 
theii' homes, and became as active in the arts of peace as they 
had been in those of war. 

These had been a tedious fom* years ; no fighting, no activity, 
nothing but feints and keeping ready to act on the offensive 



140 LIFE OF ]\IAJOE-GENERAL JOHN PATEESON. 

1783 at any time, should the occasion require. " They also serve 
who only stand and wait " was but little consolation to these 
men, who were burning with the desire to serve their country 
in some way and yet were obhged to remain idle. No wonder, 
with no chance for action, no opportunity for shomng how 
deeply they loved their country and how willing they were to 
sacrifice everything to it, that the Highlands got the name 
of the "hated Highlands," the "execrable Highlands." But 
these men did their duty and did it well, for West Point was 
the key to the military situation in the north, a point which 
by feint and otherwise the British commander tried to get, 
but never dared to attack. It was the strategic key to the 
situation. The fact that it was held and continued to be held 
was as much a victory for the patriots as though they had 
won a series of bloody battles in the field. 

They all helped to establish on the firmest basis the govern- 
ment of the country of which Gladstone, in one of his speeches, 
says : " I incline to think that the future of America is of 
greater importance to Christendom at large than that of any 
other country." 

General Paterson held the highest rank in the Continental 
army attained by any citizen of Berkshire County. He was 
one of the very few major-generals holding command at the 
close of the war. With the exception of Lafayette, he was the 
youngest officer of his rank in the Revolutionary army. He 
had the complete confidence of his superiors, not only as a 
patriot and a soldier, but as a man of sound judgment. His 
early experience as a lawyer and as a leader of men had 
ripened his judgment and given to his mind a judicial char- 
acter. It is noticeable that he appears almost at once on 
courts-martial, and frequently as president, when the natural 
course would have been to have placed an officer of higher 
rank in the position. He was selected not only on account of 
his character as a soldier, but for his knowledge of law and 
his eminent judicial ability. He was one of the youngest, if 
not the youngest, brigadiers in the American army, l^ut he 
always occupied positions of great trust. Hardly any other 



CHARACTER OF THE GENERAL, 141 

general had seen so much active service and did so much 1783 
fighting. He was in the Continental Congress, the siege of 
Boston, the Canada campaign, both the Jersey campaigns, and 
the sm-render of Bm-goyne, and from that time on he was 
always on the watch-tower to prevent action on the part of 
the British, and in every situation his work was not only weU 
done, but defied cnticism. Every letter of his is full of the 
care which he had for his men, and shows the tact with which 
he managed them. 



CHAPTER YII. 

PEACE. 

1783 During the war General Paterson had formed intimate ac- 
quaintances with many of the foreign officers. He was as- 
sociated mth General Kosciusko, the Polish hero, with 
whom he formed an especially close and intimate friendship, 
often, from the necessity of war, sleeping in the same bed. 
They were spirited, sprightly men. Kosciusko was fuU of 
life, and sometimes played practical jokes upon General Pater- 
son when in bed, making a trial of strength ; and occasion- 
ally General Paterson, who was a great atlilete, would take 
Kosciusko across his knee and hold him till he begged to be 
released, calling him " a cruel man." They were in the bat- 
tles of Bemis' Heights and of Saratoga and in the northern 
campaign together, and were stationed at West Point after 
the treason of Arnold. General Kosciusko's quarters were on 
the bend of the river, where his monument now stands. Gen- 
eral Paterson's quarters were opposite, at the base of the liill. 
Slavery was tolerated at that time in the province of Massa- 
chusetts. General Paterson's body-servant was Agrippa 
Hull,* who was generally called ^' Grippy." He always claimed 
that he was the son of an African prince. He served with 
him through the war. He was intelligent and unusually 
bright. His aptness and wit and his readiness in repartee, as 
well as the intelUgent manner in which he performed all his 
duties, made him a great favorite with all the officers of the 
army stationed at " the Point." Kosciusko took a fancy to 
Grippy, and after a time became much attached to him, and 
General Paterson gave hmi to him as a servant. Kosciusko 

* He has been erroneously called Agrippa Hunt. 
142 



GRIPPY. 143 

made Grippy his confidential and head servant, and put liiin 1783 
in charge of his wardrobe. The General had brought with 
him from Poland a costly uniform, said to have lieen brilliant 
with adornments, %\'ith a chapeau or crown-shaped cap and a 
showy cluster of nodding ostrich plumes. On one occasion 
Kosciusko went from West Point down the river some miles, 
expecting to cross over and be gone two or three days. In the 
meantime Grippy improvised a dinner-party and invited to it 
aU the black servants in camp. He di'cssed himself in Gen- 
eral Kosciusko's Polish uniform. As a substitute for boots 
or black stockings, he blacked his legs in order to make them 
shine like boots. Kosciusko, for some reason finding he could 
not cross the river, returned unexpectedly the same day to 
camp. Before reaching his quarters he was apprized of what 
was going on, while the dinner was in progress. He left his 
horse and reached the front of his quarters at the bend of the 
river, without being discovered. The weather was warm, the 
windows all open, with a screen placed before the open door 
to exclude the entertainment fi'om the view of passers-by. 
The party were drinking wine freely and were very hilarious. 
The General managed to get behind the screen unobserved, 
just as the party, all standing, were ceremoniously drinking 
Grippy's health and calling him by the name of his master. 
General Kosciusko suddenly sprang in among them, causing 
such commotion that had Satan himself appeared in then- 
midst it could not have resulted in a greater stampede. Some 
of the party escaped by the door, but more of them jumped 
through the windows, falling to the gi'ound heels over head. 
Grippy fell prostrate at the General's feet, erjdng, "Whip me, 
kill me, Massa ; do an^-thing ^yith me, Mr. General." General 
Kosciusko, taking hold of his hand with great formality, 
said, "Rise, Prince, it is beneath the diguitj' of an African 
prince to prostrate himself at the feet of any one." He made 
him put on his cap of plumes (Grippy meanwhile pleading to 
be whipped or killed) and marched with him across the grounds 
to General Paterson's quarters at the base of the hill. The 
uniform attracted much attention, and to those tliev niet the 



144 LIFE OF MAJOR-GENEEAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1783 General introduced Grippy as an African pi'ince, and some 
thought he was one in fact. They erected a temporary throne 
at General Paterson's quarters and placed Gripjjy upon it. 
After going through many mock ceremonies of presentation 
to royalty that afforded the throng a woi'ld of sport, they 
closed by smoking with him the calumet of peace. This was 
equal to crucifixion to Grippy, and was rare sport to the large 
miUtary party that had assembled. He never forgot it, and 
was careful after that never to assume any false position. 
When he was an old man he delighted in telling this story 
himself. After the war, when Kosciusko was about to return 
to Poland, as Grippy had become very useful to him and 
almost necessary to his comfort he was desirous that he should 
go with him, and he agreed to do so, not wishing to refuse his 
master, to whom he had become very much attached ; but the 
night before they were to embark Grippy ran away to avoid 
sailing, and returned afterward to General Paterson's service, 
who later gave him his freedom. He was an apt represent- 
ative of the African race, inteUigent and witty, and a great 
favorite with all the officers of the army who knew him. 
When Kosciusko returned to the United States Grippy was 
taken to New York to see his old master, and was very cor- 
dially received by him. General Lafayette knew Grippy in 
the army, and on his second visit to this country the Sedg- 
wick.s of Stockbridge took Grippy to New York to meet him. 
As long as he lived the children and grandchildren of the 
officers he had known went frequently to Stockbridge to see 
him. He was never tired of telling them stories of the Revo- 
lution. He would hold the little children on his knees, while 
the older ones gathered round him. As he gi*ew old he lived 
the war over again with the children, and would patiently re- 
peat story after story, or repeat the same story over and over 
again if they wished it. Grippy lived and died at Stockbridge, 
Mass., where he owned a small farm, and was for many years 
a prominent person in aU great festivals and notable assem- 
blages. 

In 1783, before the army was disbanded, and after the 



THE CINCINNATI. 145 

peace had been signed, and while the officers were still at their 1783 
cantonments, General Knox drew up a plan of organization 
of a society of the officers. One officer from each regiment 
met at the headquarters of Bai-on Steuben on the east bank 
of the Hudson, and organized the Society of the Cincinnati. 
In its original organization, and as long as he lived, General 
Paterson took the liveliest interest. The meeting for that 
purpose was held in a large square room in the Verplanck 
House, the headquarters of Baron Steuben, while the Ameri- 
can anny was encamped in the vicinity of Newburg, situated 
two miles northeast of Fishkill Landing, New York. The 
following is part of the record of the proceedings at the final 
meeting of the convention : 

"Caxtonment of the American Army, 

" January 19, 1783. 
" At a meeting of the general officers and the gentlemen delegates by 
the respective regiments as a convention for establishing the Society of 
the Cincinnati, held by request of the President, at which were present 
Major-General Baron Steuben, President, Major-General Howe, Major- 
General Knox, Brigadier-General Paterson, Brigadier-General Hand, . . . 
Baron Steuben acquainted the Convention that he had, agi-eeably to their 
requests at the last meeting, transmitted to His Excellency the Chevalier 
de la Luzerne, Member Plenipotentiary from the Court of France, a copy 
of the constitution of the Society of the Cincinnati." 

One article of the society was as follows : " The officers of 
the American army, having been taken generally from the 
citizens of America, possess high veneration for the character 
of that illustrious Roman, Lucius Quintus Cincinuatus, and 
being resolved to follow his example by returning to their 
citizenship, they think they may well denominate themselves 
the Society of the Cincinnati." General Paterson's name 
stands eleventh on the list after that of Washington, and third 
of the brigadier-generals. When the Massachusetts society 
was formed, on the 19th of June, 1783, General Paterson pre- 
sided. He served it again as vice-president in 1785 and 1786. 

On his retirement from the army he returned to Lenox and 
built the house which is now owned by his great-gi'andson, 



146 LIFE OF MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON, 

1784 Thomas Egleston, of New York. He at once became actively 
interested in promoting- the welfare of the town. He resumed 
the practice of his profession as a lawyer, which, as the courts 
had been closed since the king's judges were prevented from 
holding their court in Great Barrington, became very large. 
On the 15th of March, and again, on September 27, 1784, he 
was chosen moderator of the town meeting. On March 15th 
he was appointed to ascertain the boundaries of the highways. 
Peace being now fully restored, the citizens of Lenox who 
had survived the war returned to their usual occupations. 
Having no longer, as a town, use for the powder house, they 
took it down and converted the materials of which it was 
built into a receiving vault in the village cemetery. Shortly 
after the resumption of the occupations of peace the question 
which town should be the county seat began to be of great 
interest to the citizens of Berkshire County. Each one of the 
middle tier of towns was persuaded that it was the propei- i)lace. 
The contest gradually narrowed itself down to Pittsfield, Lenox, 
and Stockbridge. General Paterson and Major Egleston were 
among the strongest advocates for Lenox. They went further 
than the mere question of advantages. They circulated a sub- 
scription hst for the erection of the county buildings. This 
list v/as headed by General Paterson, who was always interested 
in every public movement, with eighty pounds sterling, the 
largest sum that was subscrilied, and a very large amount for 
those days, and followed with a smaller sum, but still a very 
large one for those days, from Major Egleston.* Wlien the 
requisite amount was nearly raised by subscription the papers, 
with a petition, were sent to Boston. It was then put to a 
popular vote, the result being that the citizens of Berkshire 
County, by majority vote, petitioned the legislature to have 
Stockbridge and not Lenox made the county town. The leg- 
islature, however, determined that it should l)e Lenox, and 
made it so. On September 27th, at a town meeting of which 
he was made moderator. General Paterson was chosen dele- 
gate from the town to a county convention to be held the 

* See Appendix C. 



THE LENOX COURT-HOUSE. 147 

next day " to prevent if possible the eom-t-house and jails 1784-1785 
being built in any other town in the County but Lenox, as 'tis 
fixed here by law." In May, 1787, the Court of General Ses- 
sions appointed Major Egieston, of Lenox, Theodore Sedgwick 
and John Bacon, of Stockbridge, to determine a site for the 
county buildings, which were commenced in 1788. The jail 
w^as finished in 1790, on the hill on the old Stockbridge road, 
half a raUe south of the village. It bui'ned down in 1812, 
when the legislatm*e was memoriaUzed to change the county 
seat to Pittsfield. The contest w^as between the northern tier 
of towns, who wanted Pittsfield, and the southern tier, w'ho 
insisted upon Lenox being retained. Notwithstanding, when 
put to vote by towns it was decided in favor of Lenox ; but 
this contest in regard to the removal of the county buildings 
from Lenox w^as constantly renewed, and after eighty-one 
years (in 1860) was successfid, w^heu they were removed to 
Pittsfield. 

The fii'st court-house was completed hi 1791 or 1792. It 
was a wooden building. It is still standing in excellent preser- 
vation. The present court-house, now no longer used for that 
purpose, was built in 1815. The original court-house is now 
occupied by the post-office, the town-hall, and stores. 

On the 7th of March, 1785, he was appointed as a select- 
man, assessor, and verifier of the fences of the town, and was 
sworn in. On March 28th he " was chosen one of the school 
committee, to provide schoolmasters and to see the said money 
(£150) applied for the purpose aforesaid, in the district in 
which they respectively reside." On April 4th he w'as made a 
committee to provide a suitable place for the town stock of 
ammunition. On May 9th he w^as chosen '^ to represent this 
town at the Great and General Court of the Commonwealth 
for the ensuing year." 

He was interested, as before the war, in all public matters, 
as is shown by the two extracts given below. Remembering 
the danger which he had been exposed to in Canada and 
Ticonderoga from smaU-pox and the sufferings of his soldiers, 
he was in sympathy with those who had tried to avoid it al- 



1-iS LIFE OF MAJOR-GENEKAL JOHN PATERSOX. 

1785 though they had used unlawful means, and it is not surpris- 
ing to find him joining in the petition given below : 

"July 1st 1785. 
" To the honorable the Senate and House of Representatives of the Common- 
icealtli of Massachusetts. 
" The Subscribers Inhabitants of the County of Berkshire, Representa- 
tives in the Genl Court humbly shew, that during the last Fall & Winter 
the small Pox was communicated repeatedly from the State of New York 
to divers Inhabitants of the said County, that many Persons di'eading the 
malignant effects of that Disorder when raging in the natural way, en- 
deavored to avoid the Evil by Inoculation that by means thereof the dan- 
ger was increased (the Business of Inoculation being conducted by no 
System) and the Persons Receiving the Infection increased in proportion, 
that the danger was so imminent that it was impossible to wait to pursue 
the course pointed out by Law. That gi-eat distress must be the result 
of a vigorous exaction of the Penalty incurred on the Occasion, that 
although in some instances there was probably imprudence and in others 
the disorder was communicated when there was not an absolute necessity 
therefor, yet it will be extreamly difficult if not absolutely impossible to 
discriminate. Wherefore your Petitioners humbly Pray your Honors 
that the Persons above descritaed who have incurred the penalty by Law, 
proAaded against receiving or communicating the small Pox by Inocula- 
tion from the first Day of November 1784 imtill the first Day of Jime last 
past may be indemnified therefor and duty bound shall ever Pray. 
" Erastus Sargent James Barker 
"John Paterson John Ashley 

"Nath Bishop Wm Brunson 

"Daniel Taylor Ebenk Peirce 

"Charles Goodrich Ebenezer Jenkins 
Irael Jones." * 

"Common Wealth of Massachusetts, House of Representatives June ye 24th 
1785. 
"On the Petition of Erastus Sergeant, John Paterson and others, 
Representatives from the several Towns in the County of Berkshire, set- 
ting forth that a number of the Inhabitants in the several Towns in said 
County had Inoculated themselves and familys for the small Pox for fear 
of (A) the Danger o/ receiving that Infectious disease in the Natural way 
from some person that brought the same into the several towns in sd 
County. And the Above Inhabitants receiving the small Pox by Inocu- 
lation being Contrary to Law have rendered themselves liable to fines, 
and penalties without some Relief from the Court, therefor 

* Massachusetts Resolves, chap. ci. 



SMALL-POX. 149 

" Eesolved that all and Every person being Inhabitants of Either of the 1785 
Towns in the County of Berkshire that have Received the small Pox, 
either in the Natural way or by Inoculation in any of the Towns afore- 
said, at any time between the first day of November A D 1784 and the (B) 
first day of June 1785 be and they are hereby Remitted and discharged 
from all penalties ineur'd by breach of any of the Laws of this Common- 
wealth for preventing the Spreading of the small Pox, any Law or Re- 
solve to the Contrary notwithstanding. 

" Pro\ided, nevertheless that all and Every of the above described In- 
habitants against whom any Actions or presentments shall have taken 
place, before the passing of this Resolve are and they shall be holden to 
the payment of all Legal Charges that may have arisen in Consequence 
of said Actions or presentments, anything in this Resolve to the Contrary 
notwithstanding 

sent up for concurrence 

Nath Gorham Sphr 

In Senate June 29, 1785. Read & concurred with 

amendments at A & B 

at A dele " the danger of " 

at B dele "first " & insert Tenth 

Sent do^vn for concurrence 

Saml Phillips jwv Presid 

In the House of Representatives July I, 1785 
Read & concurred 

Nath Gorham Speaker 
Approved 

James Bowdoin." 

While a representative from Lenox to the General Court for 
the terms of 1785-86, General Paterson presented the following 
petition. It is difficult now to reahze that the conditions which 
caused the petition could have existed at so late a period in 
Massachusetts. 

" To the honorable the Senate tf- the House of Representatives in General 
Court assembled * 

"Novr 1785 

" Hiunbly shew the subscribers, in behalf and at the request of the 
Representatives of the Counties to which we respectively belong, that 
such of late hath been the destruction of young cattle, and sheep by 
wolves, in the extreme parts of the Commonwealth, as to threaten the 
total extirpation of those useful and profitable animals vmless some 
methods are speedily adopted, to prevent this e^'il ; they therefore hum- 

* Massachusetts Senate Documents, No. 607. 



150 LIFE OF ]VIAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1785 bly pray your Honors to take the matter into consideration and grant 

relief by the offer of additional bounties, to persons destroying wolves, 

or in such other way as your Honors in your wisdom shall deem proper. 

" And as in duty bound shall ever pray 

Pliny Merrick \ 

John Williams > For Hampshire 

Justin Ely ) 

John Paterson For Berkshire 

Moses Ames For York 

Isaac Parsons \ 

Sami- Merrill > For Cumberland 

Benjamin Duning ) 

William Jones } -t, -r . , 

> h or Lincoln 
John Stinson > 

In Senate, Nover 26 1785 Read and committed to Peter Coffin Esqr 
with such as the HonWe house shall join 
Sent down for concurrence 

Saml Phillips ju7ir President 

In the House of Representatives, NovJ" 30, 1785 

Read & concurred & Mr Fessenden & Mr Davis of Charlton are joined 

Nath Gorham Sjicaker." 

On December 1, 1785, General Paterson was appointed 
major-general of the 9th division of the State by the State of 
Massachusetts. On June 7, 1786, the governor reported that 
he had issued commissions to the generals appointed.* The 
commission of General Paterson is given below : 

" Commonwealth of Massachusetts 
"By his Excellency James Bowdoin Esqr Governor of the Common- 
wealth of Massachusetts 
" To the honorable John Patterson Esq Greeting 

" You being appointed a major General of the militia within this Com- 
monwealth, but more especially within the County of Berkshire which 
forms the ninth of the nine divisions of the said militia 

"By virtue of the power vested in me I do by these Presents (reposing 
special trust & confidence in your loyalty, courage & good conduct) com- 
mission you accordingly. You are therefore carefully and diligently to 
discharge the duty of a Major General in leading ordering & exercising 
the said militia in arms both inferior officers and Soldiers ; and keeping 
them in good order & discipline. And they are hereby commanded to 

* See Appendix E. 



INTERESTS IN MAINE. 151 

obey you as Major General : and yon are yonrself to observe & follow 1786 
such orders & instructions as you shall from time to time receive from 
your Superior officer. 

" Given under my hand & the Seal of the said Commonwealth the third 
day of April in the Year of our Lord one thousand seven hixndred & eighty 
six & in the tenth year of the Independence of the United States of 
America. 

(LS) "James Bowdoin * 

" By his excellency's command 

"John Avery, j»h»' Secry." 

On May 2, 1786, he was made moderator of the town meet- 
ing at Lenox, and he was again chosen selectman and assessor. 
He declined to serve as selectman, bnt was sworn in as assessor. 
He was voted on the same date £10 10*'. for his services as 
representative at the General Conrt in 1774, and £3 10s. for 
his services as selectman, with interest to date. 

In March, 1786, General Paterson became interested in the 
purchase of lands in the State of Maine. On the 28th of 
October, 1783, the General Conrt of the Commonwealth of 
Massachnsetts, resolved that the nnappropriated lands in Lin- 
coln County in Maine, which is the most northeasterly county 
of that State on the ocean, should be sold, and in March of 
the year 1786 General Paterson, with seven other persons, 
agreed to purchase, for the sum of three thousand six hundi-ed 
and two pounds and eight shillings in specie securities of the 
United States, 19,392 acres of land, on condition that two 
hundred acres near the center of the town should remain at 
the disposition of the government, and that two hundred acres 
near the center of the town should be appropriated for the use 
of the ministry, two hundred acres for the use of the fii'st set- 
tled minister, and two hundred and eighty acres for the use of 
a grammar school, and upon the further condition that they 
should quiet the claims of the settlers in that district who had 
made improvements prior to January, 1784, and were now 
there, and also of such settlers as had purchased the improve- 
ments of any pre\'ious settlers who had sold and had left, by 
granting to each of them, their heirs and assigns, one hundred 

* Massachusetts Book of Commissions, p. 161. 



152 LIFE OF HIAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1786 acres of land, to be so selected as to best iuclude their im- 
jjrovements, and also ou condition that they should cause to 
be settled in this township five families annually for the next 
six succeeding 3'ears. It does not appear from the records 
that this purchase was ever completed, or, if it was, what was 
done with the land, but it is interesting as showing the condi- 
tion of the State of Maine at that time. The document in full 
is given below. 

" Know All men by these Presents 

"That we whose names are undersigned & Seals affixed appointed a 
Commite by a resolve of the General Court of the Commonwealth of 
Massachusetts passed the 28th day of October A.D. 1783 on the Suject 
of unappropriated Lands in the County of Lincoln and by that and other 
resolves of the said Court empowered to sell & convey the unappropriated 
Lands of the Commonwealth In the said County, for, and In consideration 
of the sum of Three Thousand six Hundred & two Pounds Eight shillings 
in the specie Securities of the United States of America drawing interest 
to us paid by John Patterson Esqr of Lenox & Thompson Joseph Skinner 
Esqr of Williamstown both in the County of Berkshire Joseph Blake of 
Milton in the Coimty of Suffolk Merchant Phinehas Upham Esqr & James 
Upham Merchant both of Brookfield & John Ball of Northborough In the 
County of Worcester & John Duballet of Boston In the County of Suffolk 
Merchant & all of the Commonwealth aforesaid We have Given Granted 
bargained Sold & conveyed and by these Presents In behalf of the said 
Commonwealth do give Grant bargain Sell & convey unto the said John 
Patterson, Thompson J. Skinner, Joseph Blake, Phinehas Upham, James 
Upham, John Ball & John Duballet, Their Heirs & Assigns one Township 
of Laud Lying in the County of Lincoln aforesaid Vizt No Five contain- 
ing Nineteen Thousand Tliree hundred & Ninety two Acres & is bounded 
as follows, beginning at a Spruce Tree marked thus 1784, with a heap of 
Stones by it, Standing on the west Shore of Schoodick Bay, alias Passa- 
maquady Bay, & is the North East Corner of No Four Township from 
thence Eunning South Seventy degrees West Five Miles two hundred & 
seventy one rods to a Cedar stump & stones being a corner of Four 
Townships & is a five Rods sht of a burnt Swamp ou the North side of a 
hill Then North twenty degrees West five Miles one Hundred & Four 
Eods to a Stake & a heap of Stones on the Southerly side of Schoodick 
River & to continue the same Course into the middle of s<i River then 
down the midle of Schoodick River to the bay aforesaid opposit the De%'ils 
Head so called) then Southerly by the West Shore of sd Bay to the bounds 
first mentioned To the sd Grantees in the following proportions Vizt (to 
John Patterson seven sixteenths to Thompson J Skinner one eighth to 



INTERESTS IN MAINE. 153 

Joseph Blake one Eighth to Phinehas Upham one Eighth to James Up- 1786 
ham, one sixteenth to John Ball, one sixteenth to John Duhallet one 
sixteenth, of the foregoing describ'd Township) to be held by them in 
Severalty 

" Reserving however for the future disposition of Government two hun- 
dred Acres near the Center of sd Town and upon Conditions that the said 
John, Thompson J, Joseph, Phinehas, James John & John shall appro- 
priate near the Center of said Town two hundred Acres for the use of the 
Ministry, Two hundred Acres for the use of the first settled Minister & 
two himdred & Eighty Acres for the use of a Grammar School, & upon 
this further Condition that the said John, Thompson J. Joseph Phinehas 
James John & John Shall quiet the Settlers "Wlio made distinct Improve- 
ment prior to the first day of January 1784 and now Remain on such Set- 
tlements, also Such Settlers who have purchased the Improvements of any 
such Settlers whose Settlement was made before the first of January 
aforesaid & who has sold & Left such Possestians by Granting to each of 
them ther heirs & Assigns one Hundred Acres of Land to be laid out so 
as best to Include their Improvement theiron & that the s<l John, Thomp- 
son J, Joseph, Phinehas, James, John & John shall settle or cause to be 
settled on the sd Township No 5 five familys annually for the next Six 
succeeding years to have & to hold the sd Granted Premises to the sd 
John Patterson, Thompson J Skinner Joseph Blake Phinehas Upham, 
James Upham John Ball & John Duballet their Heirs & Assigns to their 
proper use & behoof for ever & that the sd Committe in behalf of the sd 
Commonwealth Covenant & agree with the sd John Patterson Thompson 
J. Skinner Joseph Blake, Phinehas Upham. James Upham, John Ball & 
John Duballet that the sd Common wealth shall warrant the same Granted 
Premises to them their Heirs & Assigns saving as aforesaid against the 
LawfuU claims of All persons 

" In Witness whereof the Committe have hereunto sett their hands & 
Seals this day of March 1786 

"Signed Sealed & delivered 
in Presence of us " * 

Governor Bowdoin called a convention at Falmonth, now 
Portland, on October 5, 1785, to discuss the propriety of hav- 
ing a separate government for the State of Maine. This 
caused a great deal of discontent, and probably had something 
to do with the Shays' Rebellion which followed so soon, as it 
caused the formation of a party against "the evil tendency 
toward dismembering the Commonwealth." Maine did not 

* Massachusetts Miscellaneous Papers. 



154 LIFE OF MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1786 become an independent State nntil 1820. It became the prop- 
erty of Massachusetts by purchase. 

The history of this transaction is interesting as it shows 
by what an uncertain tenure the colonists held their first char- 
ter, as well as their determination to defend it at any cost. 
There was at the court of Charles II. of England a gentleman, 
Sir Fernando Gorges, who was a soldier of fortune. He was 
possessed with the idea that he ought to be a ruler of some 
part of the world and live in state. He had at times influence 
with the court, and when attention was called to the particu- 
larly favorable charter of the Massachusetts Bay Company, he 
became possessed with the idea that in some way this charter 
stood between him and his ambitions and hoped-for greatness. 
He therefore, on December 19, 1632, made a vigorous attack 
on it, the result of which was that the matter of the charter 
was referred to a committee of twelve Lords of the Council 
for investigation and report. They reported that there was 
no cause why the charter should be interfered with. This did 
not satisfy Sir Fernando, so in February, 1634, he renewed 
the attack, in the hope of ha\'ing it vacated and of going out 
to New England as governor-general with royal authority, to 
assume the whole government and reign there in state like a. 
prince. The result was a demand for the surrender of the 
charter, which demand could not be complied with, as tlie 
charter had been taken out to America. When this news 
reached the colony the clergy were asked, '' What ought we to 
do if a governor-general should be sent out of England?" 
The quick and decisive answer came : " We ought not to accept 
him, but defend our lawful possessions." It was the same 
kind of spirit which, when their rights were actually trampled 
on a century and a half later, made the Revolutionary War.. 
They were blind to aU this in England ; but as the order could 
not then be obeyed, it lay on the table of the Lords in Coun- 
cil and was forgotten. If they had sent out a governor-gen- 
eral at that time he would have been resisted with all the force 
the colonies could command. The matter was called up, how- 
ever, in 1635, with the result of declaring the charter void ah 



LORD para:mount of maixe. 155 

initio. It, however, resulted in notliing; the king was too 1786 
l)usy and Gorges too poor to take advantage of it, and the 
charter of the colony was not surrendered. In June, 1635, 
the Council for New England, which held all the country be- 
tween the 40th and the 48tli parallels of latitude, from ocean 
to ocean, surrendered its charter to the king. The king then 
announced his intention of making Sir Fernando Gorges his 
governor-general ; but as matters did not progress rapidly 
enough, if they did progress at all, on April 3, 1639, Sir Fer- 
nando secured a j)atent by which he and his heirs were created 
Lords Proprietors of the province or county of Maine, with 
the title of Lord Paramount of Maine. This seemed to satisfy 
his ambition for the time. He at once created a complicated 
paper government, and sent out in 1640 his governor with the 
charter, expecting as soon as his government was established 
to go in state himself. His fii'st and second governors, how- 
ever, would not remain ; he could get neither emigrants nor 
credit. His ambitious projects were never reahzed. Misfort- 
une seemed to follow his schemes from the beginning. When 
he died he left his claim and his title to his heii'S. As there 
was no question as to the validity of his claim, his heirs suc- 
ceeded to it, but were never able to make anything out of it, 
and finally, on May 13, 1677-8, his grandson sold the deed to 
the Massachusetts Bay Company for £1250, and the colony 
of Massachusetts Bay thus became the Lord Paramount of 
Maine. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

SHAYS' REBELLION. 

GrENERAL Paterson's military ser\ices did not end with the 
Revolution. Before the close of the war the discontent which 
had showed itself among the soldiers, and which had to be put 
down with such an iron hand, spread itself among the people 
of Massachusetts and led them to acts of open rebellion in that 
and the adjoining- States, under the leadership of Daniel Shays. 
They were sympathized with at first by many of the best citi- 
zens of the State and by the people of nearly all the neighbor- 
ing States, and although it does not appear that they received 
aid from any of them, this sympathy had a gi'eat deal to do 
with the prolongation of the resistance of the rebels, who were 
everywhere defeated during many months. 

At the request of the Governor of Massachusetts, General 
Paterson commanded the Berkshire militia in the suppression 
of this rebellion. 

He selected as his staff the gentlemen whose names are 
given below, who served with him dnring the rebellion : 

Theodore Sedgmck, Aide-de-camp. 

Joshua Danforth, Aide-de-camp. 

Simeon Learned, Aide-de-camp. 

Erastus Sargeant, Surgeon-General. 

Ebenezer Williams, Deputy- Adjutant-General. 

Azariah Egleston, Deputy-Quartermaster-General. 

The political agitation which led to Shays' RebeUion in 
Massachusetts began very soon after the close of the Revolu- 
tion, and for a time threatened not only the entire sub- 
version of law and order in the State, but also the aban- 

156 



GENERAL DISCONTENT. 157 

donment of some of the great principles whieli had been re- 1786 
garded as settled by the Revolutionary War. Its complete 
suppression, however, by the energetic action of the author- 
ities of the State and the support of these principles by a 
very large majority of the people was fortunate, as it called 
the attention of the prominent men of evei-y State in the 
Union to difficulties whose solution caused a careful study of 
the conditions which rendered the rebellion possible, and un- 
doubtedly hastened not only the acceptance of the Constitu- 
tion under which we are now living, but also its very careful 
re\'ision so as to make such occurrences imlikely in the 
future. 

Some of the people, exasperated by a condition of things 
which could hardly have been avoided, lost their judgment, 
excited their ovm passions and those of the multitude by pub- 
lic addresses, and sought redress in riot and murder, as if 
that would right their "«Tongs. The people of the common- 
wealth were groaning under burdens and evils of which they 
imperfectly comprehended the causes and still more imper- 
fectly the remedy. The}' had some real and moi*e fancied 
grievances. They had been in a constant state of agitation 
since the accession of George III. They had now been under 
arms since 1774. They had been without courts since 1780, 
and most of the time at war. War and its consequences had 
become familiar to them, and its rapid methods of justice sat- 
isfied them. The State constitution was new, and the Federal 
not yet adopted. They had not yet learned by experience 
that under a constitutional government every evil can be re- 
moved without resort to arms by patient and peaceable agi- 
tation. 

The principal causes of discontent during Shays' Rebellion 
were the universal indebtedness, the difficulty of collecting 
either principal or interest, the injustice of the law against 
debtors, the abuse of the debtors' prison, and the scarcity of 
money. There was no law for the just distribution of the 
property of the debtor among his creditors. J^ Executions on 
property were satisfied in theii* chi'onological order until the 



158 LIFE OF MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1786 estate was exhausted. The least suspicion of financial un- 
soundness was followed by attachments. He who came first 
got the most ; those who came last got nothing. The result 
was great injustice to both debtor and creditor. The efforts 
of creditors to collect what was due them were resisted. The 
decisions of the courts against the debtor were regarded as the 
cause of the distress, since they gave the creditor legal power 
against the debtor. Gold and silver had for a long time ceased 
to be a cii'culating medium, and were rarely seen. The cur- 
rency of the country was a mere promise to pay based upon 
nothing, and had become completely valueless. How far values 
had fluctuated is shown by the fact that the allowance of~two- 
pence a head for killing old blackbirds had become in May, 
1780, thirty shillings ; that labor on the highways, which had 
previously been paid at three shillings a day, had become 
seven pounds. A dollar in silver, for the collection of taxes, 
was worth one hundi'ed and twenty in Continental currency. 
The people were really poor. Those who could had borrowed 
money at exorbitant rates of interest to pay taxes, and now 
no ready money could be had. The burden fell heavily both 
on the State and the people. The State could not relax the 
taxes ; the people could not pay them. Both the law and the 
customs relating to the collection of debts had been harsh and 
unjust, and when the war was over there arose a fashion about 
them which made them unbearable. The people knew that 
they were carrying heavy burdens, and they could find neither 
the cause nor the remedy. They had fought for eight years 
to get redi-ess from oppressions much more easily borne, and 
which in comparison to those they were now bearing seemed 
trifling. It appeared to some as if the whole war had been 
fought only to settle a theoretical principle, and many of 
them, if it would have brought redress, would have willingly 
gone back to " the king and all the royal family." The State 
was as badly off as the citizen. He saw no way out of the 
situation, for his quota of the national, State, county, and 
town debt was all incurred in the defense of his liberty and 
was binding upon him. Besides his obligations to the State 



THE STATE DEBT. 159 

he had his own private indebtedness. The principal was piling 1786 
up, and in addition the interest on the portion not paid was 
accumulating-, as he could pay neither the one nor the other. 

The whole of the State debt previous to the war was not 
quite £100,000. When it closed the State debt was £1,300,- 
000. In 1784 the State of Massachusetts imposed a tax of 
£140,000. In 1786, when it became necessary to fund the 
army debt, it was increased by a still further imposition of 
£110,000. The State's proportion of the national debt was 
£1,500,000 in addition. During all the time that this debt had 
been accumulating- the soldiers had been fighting for the great 
principles on which, since then, the laws relating to the liber- 
ties of nations have been founded, but the people had learned 
nothing of finance except as the leaders were obliged to sup- 
ply the daily needs of the army. The impulse given to manu- 
facturers by the artificial stimulus of the war ceased when it 
was over, and they were depressed. Farming yielded Init a 
scanty subsistence, and the houses, farms, and manufactories 
were in many cases hopelessly mortgaged ; and in the ruin 
which seemed to stare every one in the face moral as well as 
pecuniary obligations seemed to lose then- force. The soldiers, 
accustomed to the shiftless habits and excitement of camp life' 
could not accustom themselves to the routine of every-day 
duties at home. They had been fighting against the unlawf id 
imposition of taxes. They were more oppressed now by the 
lawful imposition of them, than they ever had been by those 
which the king had proposed to impose. The people at large 
were quiet and patient. Some individuals who had sacrificed 
little and had grown rich by speculation, and were ostenta- 
tious in their display of it, created ill-feeling and kept up a 
constant ii-ritation by flaunting their wealth in the face of 
their countrymen who had sacrificed greatly and now felt 
keenly the sharp pinch of poverty. Among the turbulent and 
unprincipled the cry was, "Down with the courts of law ! pre- 
vent the judges from acting, and hang the lawyers ! " The 
people were irritated by the fact that some of the extreme 
conservative leaders had expressed in an exasperating way 



160 LIFE OF ]\IAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1786 a contempt for the common people which made them feel 
that there was a privileged class which migiit become an 
aristocracy. 

The constitution of the State which had been adopted in 
1780 neither abrogated nor alleviated the debtor laws, and it 
seemed as if, from the situation, their execution had become 
more cruel than before ; for the sacrifices which had been 
made by the soldiers were great, and they were the ones who 
were called upon most frequently to suffer on account of their 
inability to settle their accounts. The interest which they 
were obliged either to pay or to add to the principal consumed 
their resources without lessening their burdens. Bail was 
available for the criminal, but not for the debtor ; and many 
a man who had fought bravelj^ during the war came from the 
privations of camp life, where at least he had some Uberty, 
only to find himseK in prison behind a door which could be 
opened by money alone, which from no fault of his he did not 
have and could not get. All of the misfortunes which he 
suffered were attributed to the government. The people saw 
themselves at the mercy of either the tax-gatherer or the 
sheriff and the jailer, and if they were so fortunate as to 
escape these, they had scarcely enough to keep themselves 
alive, with no other hope but the poorhouse as a refuge in 
their old age. 

Leaders of the discontented were not wanting, either then 
or now. Some of these were undoubtedly sincere in their 
motives ; some of them were mere demagogues, and many of 
them hoped either for notoriety or gain. In the beginning 
they honestly demanded what they thought would bring relief 
at once. They wanted the Great and General Court removed 
from Boston, where they supposed it to be under the influ- 
ence of that city. They wished all public securities, as well 
as aU money in hand and at interest, to be taxed to produce a 
revenue. They demanded the reduction of all salaries. They 
claimed that land ought to be made a legal tender for 
debts, and that its price should be taken as it stood when the 
debt was incm-red. They wished a check put on the growing 



sy:\ipathy with the rioters. 161 

power of lawyers. What the debtors wanted, and the}- were 1786 
by far the hirgest part of the conmiunity, was in some way to 
be relieved, either by a partial or total extingmshment of their 
indebtedness or plenty of time to pay it. Hence every laAv, 
and every officer of the law whose business it was to collect 
debts, was odious to them. Had it not been for the efforts of 
moderate and sensible men holding high positions in different 
parts of the State, who were determined to uphold the legally 
constituted authorities and to obtain redress only by legal 
methods, and who yet had so much sj'mpathy with those who 
wished to get relief by violent measures that they would coun- 
sel and advise them before they committed acts of violence, and 
when they had committed violent or unlawful acts would deal 
as gently as was possible under the circumstances, there would 
have been much more bloodshed added to the acts of \-iolence 
and rebellion. As it was, considering how many men who had 
been in the War of the Revolution were among the rioters, it 
is surprising that so few were killed. Prominent among the 
men who advised the use of legal means before the breaking 
out of the rebellion, and who entered the military service of the 
State at once to help to put it down, was Major-General John 
Paterson, who was as active before and after the rebellion as a 
peacemaker as he had been as a soldier dui-ing its continu- 
ance. It is surprising, notwithstanding the acts of ^dolence 
and bloodshed which were committed by the rioters, that dur- 
ing the whole of the rebellion not only individuals, but the 
General Coiu't itself showed and expressed their sympathy for 
the rioters. The sessions of the General Com-t were prolonged, 
other business was put aside, members listened patiently to 
and voted for measures for relieving, as far as they could, the 
distress which caused the riots, and resolutions of sympathy 
and amnesty for those misguided citizens who had implicated 
themselves in the riots were everywhere passed. The rioters 
were treated more like misbehaving children than offenders 
against the law, and hence the continued offers of amnesty 
made to them, and the constant appeals made by their friends 
and neighbors who did not agree with them, not only for clem- 



162 LIFE OF IVIAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1786 ency, but for freedom from punishment, until it became evident 
toward the close of the rebellion that such offers were misguided 
so far as the leaders were concerned. Hundreds of citizens who, 
after they had committed violence, saw how useless and wrong 
this method of procedure was, accepted the amnesty and ])e- 
came good citizens, some of them becoming toward the close 
of the rebellion very efficient in helping to put it down. 

There arose before the close of the war a party who publicly 
advocated the idea that the courts ought to be abolished. 
They were, they contended, only a rich man's remedy. The}- as- 
serted that when they were abolished there could be no judg- 
ments, and that the result of such measures would be general 
prosperity. They stated that the only result of their shedding 
their blood in the Revolution had been to be imprisoned by 
the tax-gatherer at home, and to give to their creditors, who 
in many cases had never lieen in the war and sacrificed little 
or nothing for the country, the right to drag them from their 
homes to the court and from the court to the prison. Then 
they called county conventions based on an article of the Bill 
of Rights, which pro\'ides " that the people have a right in an 
orderly and peaceable manner to assemble to consult upon the 
common good, give instructions to their representatives, and 
to request of the legislative body, by way of addresses, provi- 
sions, and remonstrances, relief of the wrongs done them and 
of the grievances they suffer." This clause was undoubtedly 
intended to apply to town meetings, but it was made to serve 
as authority for less regular assemblies. The business of 
such conventions was to present grievances ; and a great 
grievance was the commutation of the pay of the officers who 
had served during the Revolutionary War. A convention 
was called both in Suffolk and in Worcester counties in 1784, 
in which they not only condemned the acts of Congress, but 
voted that the sessions of the courts were grievances, and 
attempted to make an opposition legislature. As the multi- 
tude of civil suits * had increased the number of lawyers, they 

* In 1784 there were more than two thousand actions, and in 1785 about 
seventeen hundred, in the county of Worcester alone. 



CONVENTIONS. 1G3 

asserted that this class of men ought to be abolished, and the 1786 
people were urged not to elect them for public offices, as they 
brought the suits and were therefore the authors of their mis- 
fortunes. They so influenced the people that in 1786 the law- 
yers were to a large extent excluded from the legislature, and 
the House passed a law to admit all persons of good moral 
character to the practice of the law before the judicial courts, 
and fixing their fees. 

In order to prevent the session of the court in Northampton, 
Samuel Ely, a minister who had been dismissed In' a council 
on account of his moral and literary disqualifications for that 
office, had in April, 1782, incited a riot, the leaders of which 
were arrested. Ely was indicted and was condennied l)y the 
court of Northampton, and was released from prison in Spring- 
field by the mob. The leaders were arrested and confined, and 
a similar attempt was made to release them, which might have 
resulted in much bloodshed but for the superior force which 
was called out against them. 

This riot was taken by the General Court at its next session 
as an evidence that the people were in real distress, and in 
November, considering that the leaders had been sufficiently 
punished, they pardoned them all. The pardon was considered 
as a justification of tlieii* course by the rebels ; so in May, 
1783, they attempted to prevent the sessions of the courts in 
Springfield, but were not successful. A convention more 
peaceable in character was held at Deerfield on September 29, 
1783, and they wanted for rehef the division of the county or 
the removal of the courts to Springfield. The private debtor 
had been considered as an oppressor, and they commenced to 
ask themselves in what way the public and the private debts 
differed. If the private debt was a Imrden, was the pul)lic 
debt any less a hardship ? They found that there was little 
difference in the moral obligation in either case. In a conven- 
tion held at Hatfield on Octolier 20th they declared that they 
could not pay private delits while public ones were so heavy, 
and with surprising unanimity they attacked the officers of 
the Revolutionarv War — the verv class which one would nat- 



164 LIFE OF MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1786 urally have thought would have been the last. During the 
dark periods of the war Congress had promised half pay for 
life to those officers who would continue in the service. On 
March 22, 1782, it proposed to commute this half pay for life 
to fuU pay for five years, which was a very reasonable and just 
commutation of the half pay. In the minds of the people this 
payment created a privileged class who were better off than 
themselves, but who in their opinion deserved no more from the 
countr}'^ than they did. Their resentment, therefore, fell on the 
very men to whom they should have been most gratefid. To 
these, the salaried officers of the government and the la\v^ers, 
who were making a rich harvest in the courts, were added as 
among the privileged class, and they looked upon them all as 
assisting a condition of tilings which they considered un- 
worthy of a free government. 

The agitation which resulted, and the interest on the public 
debt, which from commutation of the officers' pay amounted to 
five milHons of dollars, made the government securities fall to 
such a point that the notes given by the government in com- 
mutation of the life pay were not sufficient to cover the time 
of actual service. This aroused so much sympathy for the 
officers that the hostility was now transferred toward the 
banker or speculator who bought the notes, and it was gravely 
proposed to Congress to pay to the holder of a note becoming 
due, when not the person to whom it was issued, not the face 
value, but only what he had paid for it, and to give the balance 
to the original holder of the note. No action was taken by 
the legislature on such a preposterous proposition ; but that it 
should have been presented at all showed the disturbed and 
distressed state of the public mind. They then requested the 
issue of paper money in large quantities without security, to be 
depreciated by law at a fixed rate, until, after a given period, 
it should be rendered entirely valueless. So wild a proposition 
failed in Congress, but it had many advocates. 

There had been no provision for the amendment of the State 
Constitution until 1795, and the dissatisfied taught the people 
that that was too long to wait ; that they had gone to war with 



GRIEVANCES OF THE FARMERS. 165 

Great Britain for a less cause, and that no^v, as then, there was 1786 
no redress except by revolution. They might easily have ef- 
fected a change by a convention called bj^ the people, but this 
was not what the leaders wanted. There were real grievances 
which could have been redressed, but the leaders wanted the 
abolition of the coiu-ts and reforms to be made without legal 
methods being used. They began by counseling violence, and 
then by the use of mob law. The dissatisfied began to call 
meetings in the towns to discuss their grievances ; then more 
frequent conventions for the ostensible piu-jiose of trying to 
find relief for their difficulties. These were at fii"st quiet and 
lawful assemblies, but the constant reiteration of real or fancied 
wrongs made them at last \'iolent. They ridiculed or de- 
nounced the officers of the law, and tried to make the govern- 
ment contemptible in the eyes of the people, and from this to 
open violence was but a short step. 

The farmers thought trade should bear all the burdens of 
taxation, and that the land, which was almost the only pi-o- 
ducer, should be freed from taxes. The home-traders, as the 
medium of exchange between the farmer and the public, were 
sure that they should be relieved and the burden of the taxes 
be thrown upon some one else. Commerce to the farmer 
meant the importation of luxuries, for the idea was prominent 
then that the land should produce all that was needed for life 
and happiness, and what was not derived directly from it was 
not necessar}', and therefore a luxury. During the war the 
fisheries, which previous to the war had brought in £167,000 
annually, and which in the island of Nantucket alone em- 
ployed one hundred and fifty vessels and twenty-five hundred 
men, had been neglected. At the time peace was declared the 
entire fleet consisted of only nineteen vessels. The farms 
could produce but little, as the men were in the army, and the 
women and childi-en could not till the land on any large scale. 
The markets were to a great extent lost and must be re- 
gained ; Imt the farmers saw only the absence of the market, 
and attributed all the evils to the luxury induced by the im- 
portation of foreign materials, which resulted in draining 



166 LIFE OF MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1786 from the country the resources which might be used at home. 
By the law of July 3, 1782, known as the " Tender Act," pri- 
vate debts had the precedence over pubhc ones, and were 
made payable in cattle or produce ; the appraisement was to 
be made by impartial judges under oath. It was so drawn as 
to suspend suits for a period of twelve months. The idea of 
the originators was that it would prevent law-suits by making 
it possible to settle obhgations in kind within a specified time, 
but its effect was to stimulate the antagonism between credi- 
tor and debtor and to stir up a strife between the rich and the 
poor. 

Following the precedent set at Great Barrington in 1774, 
the dissatisfied commenced by impeding the administration of 
justice by preventing the assembling of the courts, on the 
ground that all their grievances and hardships arose from the 
decisions of these courts, and that they were justified in acting 
as they did b}^ the example of their countrymen of years ago. 
But the successful obstruction of the com"ts in 1774 was not 
done until after repeated remonstrances had been made and 
every plan known for obtaining redress from the king and the 
royal governors had been tried ; while these men obstructed 
the coui'ts before any means of redressing their grievances, 
which were perfectly open to them and would have succeeded 
if properly begun, had been tried. 

In the elections for the State legislature for 1786 the dis- 
tress was used for personal and political ends. Men of expe- 
rience and of conservative principles were defeated. They 
were replaced by those who knew nothing about government. 
Lawyers were defeated only because they were lawyers, and 
for no other reason. When the legislature assembled propo- 
sitions of the most visionary character were made. It was 
recommended, among other things, to issue irredeemable paper 
money and to do other equally absurd and dangerous things, 
l)ut they were fortunately voted down, and the legislature ad- 
jommed on July 15th without adopting any remedy. None 
had been seriously considered. The next step of the leaders 
was the calling of conventions to discuss their grievances, and 



COUNTY CONVENTIONS. 167 

TJif n to publish them to the people and make them call for re- Ui 
dress. They commenced by advising against all resort to force 
and unlawful measures. The conventions were at fh-st reputa- 
ble gatherings of respectable people. Their fulminations, how- 
ever, influenced the prejudices and excited the passions of the 
dissatisfied, which was undoubtedly the effect which most of 
the leaders wished to produce. Fi-om respectable gatherings 
they came to be not only irregularly called meetings, but tu- 
multuous and unlawful assemblies. They incited to the use of 
mob law, and, if they did not council violence, produced it. The 
conservative and respectable people became so compromised 
by the dissatisfied that the meetings of both together were con- 
verted into a mere mob, and they acted as such. This increased 
the evils instead of diminishing them. The first convention 
called represented thirty-seven towns of Worcester County. It 
met at Leicester on August 15, 1786. Its very first act was to 
declare itself a lawful and constitutional assemblage. Eight 
causes of grievance were enumerated, which included the 
courts, the officers of the State, and the payment of the pul)lie 
debt. The conservative journals generally exposed the fallacy 
of the grievances and the unprincipled character of the lead- 
ers, but this produced but little effect on the people. 

On August 22, 1786, a convention of fifty towns of Hamp- 
shire County, which at that time included Franklin and Hani})- 
den counties, was called at Hatfield, and passed in three days 
nineteen resolutions against the Senate, the courts, and almost 
all the forms of law, but ad\dsed the people to abstain from 
acts of mob violence. They resolved to publish their proceed- 
ings in other counties, and called on them also to hold conven- 
tions. The paper-money men were there in full force. The 
men who " had fought for liberty and meant to have it " were 
also represented. Their definition of liberty was, as given by 
one of themselves, '' for every man to do as he pleases, and to 
make others do as you please to have them." They advocated 
the abolition of the com-ts, and voted themselves " a constitu- 
tional meeting." They ad^•ised the other counties to organize, 
and finished these proceedings by resolving that the people 



168 LIFE OF ]\IAJOR-GEXERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1786 ought to abstain from all mobs or other unlawful assem- 
blies. It is fail' to suppose that their proceedings had been 
dictated by a sincere desire to obtain by legal measures the 
redress they wanted, since some of those who attended and 
took part in the proceedings were members of the legislature 
and others were held in high respect by their fellow-townsmen ; 
but it is doubtful whether the majority did not mean open re- 
bellion from the fii'st, as all their proceedings were carried out 
in three days. This convention was held just before the ses- 
sions of the courtS; and was intended to foster a feeling of con- 
tempt for them. When on the last Tuesday in August, four 
days after they adjourned, the courts were to sit in Northamp- 
ton, fifteen hundred men — a motley array, some of them 
armed with sticks, clubs, bludgeons, and others with swords or 
muskets — assembled to prevent the session of the Court of 
Common Pleas. Daniel Shays, a captain in the Revolutionary 
Army of doubtful reputation, headed the insurgents. A large 
body also collected at Springfield to prevent the session of the 
com't there. They forced it to adjourn to Northampton until 
the second Tuesday in Novemlier, but it never met again until 
May, 1787, and the debt repudiators thus celebrated a great 
victory over the law. The governor on September 2d called 
on all good citizens to put do^vn such treasoualile proceedings. 
The newspapers, the clergy, and nearly all the best citizens sided 
with the governor, but it was of httle use. As soon as these 
disturbances commenced the local mihtia had been called out 
by the sheriff to protect the courts ; but it was soon found 
that they could not be rehed upon, as many of them sympa- 
thized with the riotei'S. The governor called the judges of the 
Supreme Court, the attorney-general, and others in council, 
and they determined to call out the State troops. 

The excitement which was prevalent in Worcester and 
Hampshire counties, and which had also prevented the session 
of the courts there, spread very quickly to the other parts of 
the State. It went west to Berkshire and east to Middlesex 
and Bristol counties. The notice which had been taken of 
the convention in Hampshire and the notoriety produced for 



THE LENOX CONVENTION. 169 

its leaders emboldened them and encouraged theii- followers. 1786 
Wliile this was going on throughout the State a county con- 
vention was called to meet in Lenox during the last week of 
August. The people of Berkshii'e and the other counties of 
the State as well had always been used to open and free dis- 
cussion. The town meeting had been their safety-valve, the 
county convention their strongest method of asserting their 
rights, and they had resisted from the very commencement 
any encroachment on them by the royal governors. When 
the Constitution of 1780 was proposed they discussed it, both 
before and after they adopted it, and in the six years since it 
had been in force had learned to have confidence both in the 
laws and the law-makers, since the law was dependent upon 
their owm voices in the town meetings and tlieu' votes in elec- 
tions. They had suffered too long from the use of \noleut 
means to willingly have recourse to them again, so that when 
the call came for a county convention they went to the polls 
almost to a man, and the majority of the towms elected as their 
representatives the modei-ate and conservati^'e men. When 
the convention convened the malcontents were met by wise 
and able men, who were in the majority. They argued with 
the more impetuous on their own ground. They not only 
out-reasoned, but they out-voted them, so that this convention 
was not characterized by the violent and unreasonable acts 
which were so marked a feature of some of the others. They 
pledged themselves as a body in the most solemn manner to 
support the courts in the exercise of their legal j)owers and to 
endeavor to quiet the agitated spii'its of the people. Among 
the most prominent of the conservatives in this convention 
was Major-General Paterson, who was then, as he always had 
been, one of the most strenuous in endeavoring to right wrongs 
by strictly legal methods. This convention undoubtedly i)re- 
vented many dissatisfied persons in adjoining counties from 
joining the forces under the agitators, because it was made 
plain to them that their grievances could all l>e remedied l\y 
proper recourse to law, that the necessary legislation would 
take some time, and that the people had the power to act 



170 LIFE OF MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1786 themselves tliroiigh their properly constituted representa- 
tives. 

On September 5th the judges at Worcester were prevented 
by three hundred armed men from holding court, which was 
to have been held in the com-t-house. A proclamation by the 
governor called on the people to sustain the courts. The 
chief-justice remonstrated with the rioters, but they forced the 
Coui-t of Common Pleas to adjourn sine die and the Court of 
Sessions to adjom-n to Novemlier 21st. The day after the con- 
vention at Hatfield a convention of representatives of a major- 
ity of the towns in Middlesex County was held, and adopted 
similar resolutions. The next attempt to prevent the sitting 
of the courts was at Concord on September 12th. The citizens 
on September 9th had protested against such disorderly pro- 
ceedings, and the militia were called out by the governor on 
September 8th to defend the courts in Middlesex and Bristol ; 
but on the representation of the people that they were not 
needed, the judges, fearing a popular attack, countermanded 
the order for the assembling of the militia for the protection 
of the courts, as the citizens agreed to protect them. The 
rioters, who w'ere few in number, were so emboldened by this 
order that they surrounded and took possession of the court- 
house in Concord and threatened to kill all persons who did 
not join, them. They were violent in their abuse of the courts 
and the judges, and allowed the court to sit only on the con- 
dition of its adjourning to a fixed date. The court left the 
town the same afternoon, and the rioters dispersed. 

In Taunton, in the County of Bristol, the court was to as- 
semble on the 12th. The chief-justice. General Cobb, had 
been a military officer of distinction dm-ing the Revolution, 
and was then a major-general of the State. He took posses- 
sion of the court-house with a field-piece and thirty gentlemen 
volunteers. Wlien the insurgents came up he told them that 
he would *' sit as a judge or die as a general." Knowing that 
he would do as he said, they dispersed without preventing the 
session of the court ; but in view of the great agitation it was 
deemed advisable to adjourn, and the crairt did so. 

The resolutions of the Lenox convention ro recently passed 



STOPPING THE COURTS AT GREAT BARRINGTON. 171 

did not restrain a mob of eight hundred men at Great Bar- 1786 
rington, who prevented the session of the Court of Common 
Pleas and compelled three of the fom* judges to sign a paper 
that they would not act as a coiu-t until aU the grievances had 
been redressed. They broke open the jail, set the prisoners free, 
and committed other acts of violence. The documents below, 
giving the orders of General Paterson and the account sent to 
the governor of the State, give the details of what happened: 

* "Lenox, September 10, 1786. 
" Sir : In consequence of special orders from the Governor and Com- 
mander-in-Chief of this Commonwealth to me directed, requesting the 
Militia of this County to be called upon to support the Court which is to 
sit at Great Barrington on Tuesday next, you are therefore directed to 
order every (man) in your regiment to appear with their arms complete 
at Great Barrington on Tuesday next at 9 o'clock in the morning. 
" N.B. — The alarm list to be excluded. 

' ' I am, sir, your humble servant, 

''John Paterson, Major-General, 

"9th Division Militia. 
"To Colonel Caleb ffi/<lc." 

Among others Colonel Ashley replied to this order from 

Sheffield : 

t "Sheffield, 1786. 
" Gen John Petterson. 

" In obedience to your orders I have called upon the several companies 
in the Regt. imder my command for their respective quota of men. The 
number were without difficulty collected in this place. The ammunition 
will be expended by tomorrow evening. We wish for your directions in 
which manner they shall be supplied. Ammmiition is also wanted for 
the troops from Sandisfield and New Marlborough. 

" Yours respectfully 

"John Ashley 
" To ( Gen Paterson) " " (Col) 

Exactly what happened is given in the letter below : 

t " Lenox 13th Septemr 1786. 
" Sir : I am to inform your excellency as nearly as I can, of the trans- 
actions of stopping the Coixrts of General sessions of the Peace & Courts 

* Massachusetts Archives, vol. exl., p. 241. 

t From MS. in possession of Mr. Wm. Benjamin. 

\ Massachusetts Archives, vol. cxc, p. 26.3. 



172 LIFE OF IVIAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1786 of Common Pleas in the Coimty of Berkshire iipou the 12tli day of Sep- 
tember instant. 

" Previous to the day on which the Court were to set, there appeared 
to be gi-eat uneasiness among the people : & that large niimbers were 
preparing to stop the Courts. I made every uecessarj- preparation for 
supporting Government that lay in my power without calling out the 
Militia — On Saturday evening before the Courts were to set I received 
your Excellency's letter of the 2d of instant September — I immediately 
applied to Major General Paterson, consulted him & a number of other 
Gentlemen on the Subject of calling out the Militia under arms in Sup- 
port of Government, it was agi'eed to call out the Militia. General Pater- 
son issued his orders accordingly which I transmit a copy of. On monday 
evening before the time of the Courts sitting, the Court house was tilled 
with armed men in opposition to Government. On tuesday evening the 
militia under the order of General Paterson marched into Great Barring- 
ton much the greatest part of which joined those in opposition to govern- 
ment at the Court House — by this time the Court arrived & seeing such 
an opposition to Law, recommended General Paterson to embody the men 
for the Courts sitting on one side & to have those against its sitting 
on the otlier side of the highway which was immediately done — about 
150 or 200 men appeared for the Courts sitting & seven or eight hundred 
men were against it. Then the Court opened and adjourned without day, 
this step being taken raised the Spirits of the People against the Courts 
to such a Degree that they determined to bring the Judges to their terms, 
as they call — They immediately moved to Judge Whitings house where 
the Judges were — drew up an instrument or declaration for them to sign, 
the purport of which is that they would not act as Judges of the Court 
of Common Pleas until the Constitution of Government shall be revised 
or a new one made — Judge Whiting, Barker & Goodrich signed it, Judge 
Woodbridge refused & declared in preference to signing such a peiee he 
would resign his Commission — 

" Those people in opposition to Law proceeded to the Goal broke open 
the door, set the confined debtors at liberty, left the Town of Great Bar- 
rington the same day — in this disagreeable situation we now are — this 
I think to be a candid representation of the transactions of the whole 
matter relative to the Courts being stopped in the County of Berkshire 

"Which is transmitted to your excellency by 

" your most obedient & humble Servant 

"Caleb Hyde Sheriff. 
"His excellency 

" James Bowdoin esqr." 

In Boston, on September 11th, the citizens assembled and 
assured the governor in the most emphatic way that whatever 



STOPPAGE OF THE COURTS AT SPRINGFIELD. 173 

came they would support the legally constituted authorities. 1786 
On the 20th of September four hundi'ed armed men in New 
Hampshire surrounded the legislature, but were put down by 
the citizens. The General Court had adjom-ned from July, 
1786, to the last of January, 1787, but such riots in Massachu- 
setts and in New Hampshire caused the governor to call it 
earlier, and he had convened it for the IStli of October. He 
now determined to call it three weeks earlier. 

In the meantime the rioters made up their minds to pre- 
vent the sessions of the Supreme Court at SpringjSield, which 
was to sit on September 26th. The insurgents determined 
that the court should not be held, as if it were they would be 
indicted for treason. The friends of law and order deter- 
mined that the court should be held, and be protected in any 
event and at whatever cost. Both parties meant what they 
said. The governor ordered the court-house to be protected 
by six hundred men. On the day the court opened Daniel 
Shays, who had been a captain of doubtful reputation in the 
Revolution toward its close, though he had shown great 
personal bravery at Bunker Hill and Stony Point, who had 
for causes unknown resigned his commission, and was then 
bankrupt, appeared with an armed force. Shays demanded 
of the court that none of the late rioters should be condemned 
by it. The coiu't replied that the judges would execute the 
laws. The court had assembled on Tuesday, and by Wednes- 
day there were two thousand men under arms, and but little 
business could therefore be transacted. On Thursday, Sep- 
tember 29th, the court adjourned. Before doing so it decided 
that it Avas not expedient to hold court in Berkshire County 
at that time, which the rioters interpreted as a great victory 
for them. The rioters, emboldened by then* success, then de- 
tei'mined to secure the federal arsenal at Springfield, but were 
dissuaded from attacking it, and after four days l)oth parties 
left. The rioters, under pretense that the court intended to 
go to Great Banington, notwithstanding their resolution not 
to do so, went there and committed a number of riotous acts. 
The governor called a special meeting of the legislature for 



1 ( 4: LIFE OF :MA.J0R-GEXERAL JOHN PATERSOX. 

1786 September 27th to consider the disturbed state of public af- 
faii'S. The town of Springfield instructed theii' representa- 
tives " to vote against any proposition for a paper currency, 
and "when all that is possible has been done to relieve the real 
bui'dens, to state as clearly as possible what mistakes have 
been made, in order to remove the imaginanj as well as the 
real gi'ievances." When the legislature assembled the gov- 
ernor stated to them the facts in relation to the riots, and 
proposed the suppression of the rebellion. Conventions and 
towns presented their grievances, but the legislatui-e deter- 
mined to support the governor and to defend the sessions of 
the court at Cambridge, and did so. The governor ordered a 
parade of over two thousand troops in the town, which dem- 
onstration prevented the riots fi-om taking place there. The 
rioters had demanded that the Creneral Coiut should sit else- 
where than in Boston. The General Court voted that it would 
remove to some other place as soon as it could be done con- 
sistently with the pubUe interest. On October 28th they pro- 
posed a law against riots and unlawful assemblies. The more 
consers'ative citizens wanted a suspension of the habeas co)'2)i(s 
act. The court considered it, but delayed action. The citi- 
zens became alarmed at what they considered unnecessary de- 
lay. This the rioters made the most of, and actually succeeded 
in con^'incing some worthy persons that a revolution was uec- 
essarj' in order to remove from theii- places men who only tem- 
porized with serious difficulties ; so that the ranks of the rioters 
were increased by it. On October 23d a cii'cular letter was 
sent by Shays to all the towns in Hampshu*e County, asking 
them '' to see that the citizens be armed and that the militia 
be fiu-nished with sis himdred rounds of ammunition." The 
governor reported these facts to the General Com-t on Xovem- 
ber 7th as conclusive e^•idence that there was a serious and 
active rebellion. The danger was so gi-eat that the Superior 
Judicial Com*t was empowered to try all persons guilty of ob- 
structing the administration of the laws, and on November 
10th they suspended the habeas corpus act for eight months. 
In hopes of appeasing the rioters, all persons guilty of riot or 



ACTION OF THE GEXERAL COURT. 175 

treasonable practices against the State from January 1st were 1786 
gi-anted a free pardon if they took the oath of allegiance. 

The amnesty offered ha^'ing been rejected, warrants were is- 
sued for the apprehension of the leaders in Middlesex County, 
and a party of horse was ordered to start from Boston on No- 
vember 29th to support the sheriff, and three of the leaders 
were aiTested. After this Shays went to Rutland and remained 
there until December 80th, when he returned to Worcester. 

The Court of Common Pleas and General Sessions of the 
Peace had been adjoiu^ned in Hampshire County to December 
26th, those in Berkshii-e to the first Tuesday in February, and 
those in Phnnouth and Boston were also adjom-ned. This 
brought the first term of the coui't to Cambridge, which was 
protected, as described above, by being near Boston. The 
Coui't of General Sessions of the Peace sat at Worcester 
November 21st, which was a source of gi*eat gi'ievance to the 
rioters. An address was sent out by the General Court to the 
people, which stated the amount of the Federal and State 
debts. The expenditures were carefidly given and compared 
with those of the times of the proxdnces. The debt was shown 
to be comparatively small. It was made api)arent that the 
complaints and acts of the rioters were likely to occur under 
any form of government, and the use of foreign luxui'ies was 
discouraged. The oflBcers of the government and the people 
were called on to maintain the constituted authorities and the 
administration of justice. The General Court had thus done 
all that it could. It made taxes payable in specific articles, 
real and personal estate a tender for executions, and law pro- 
cedure was made much less expensive. It adjoiu'ued on No- 
vember 18th, sure that it had done aU that it could and the 
people would be satisfied, but they did not vote sufficient 
money to meet the expenses of dealing successfully xvith the 
insm-rection. The rioters ascribed all these acts to fear. They 
laughed at the offer of pardon, and the suspension of the ha- 
heus corpus became a gi'eater giievauce than ever. Immedi- 
ately after the adjournment of the General Couii: a conven- 
tion was caUed at Worcester. On the 23d of November they 



176 LIFE OF MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1787 sent an address to the people, in which all the acts, even the 
adjonrning of the coui"ts, which they had demanded, were held 
up as grievances, and these acts as bringing the coui't into 
contempt. When the Court of G-eneral Sessions of the Peace 
came to sit on the 22d in Worcester, as the government relied 
on the acts of the last General Court to appease the people^ 
no precaution had been taken to protect it. One hundred and 
fifty men armed with hickory clubs and bayonets entered the 
town and billeted themselves on the people ; they filled the 
court-house and would not allow the judges to enter, and pre- 
vented any business, either public or private, being done. The 
judges were obliged to sit in a tavern. On December 27th 
Shays, with three hundred and fifty men, prevented the ses- 
sion of the Com't of Common Pleas in Springfield. The at- 
tack was so unexpected that the citizens, immediately after it 
happened, organized a strong military force for the purpose 
of defense. The governor did not hear of this attack until 
January 1st. As soon as he heard of these outrages he ordered 
the nine major-generals of the State to organize and equip the 
militia and take the field. Citizens in Middlesex County under- 
took to agree that no forces on either side should appear 
in Cambridge when the session of the court was to be held ; 
but the insurgents would not agree to it, and they marched on 
Cambridge, but became discouraged and disheartened before 
they reached there. 

The governor did not have the means of sustaining even a 
single regiment in the field, but the emergency was met by the 
capitalists and business men of Boston, who, realizing the 
danger, came forward with a loan to the State, trusting to 
future legislation to reimburse them. The loan was accepted, 
and orders issued for the raising and equipment of four thou- 
sand five hundred men. Public sentiment, as soon as these 
facts were known, changed at once and took the side of the 
law and order party. 

The governor advised the judges of the courts at Worcester 
to adjourn them to January 23d, which they did. Shays by 
December 6th had collected about one thousand men : but as 



STOPPAGE OF THE COUKTS AT SPRINGFIELD. 177 

the courts had adjourned there was nothing to do, and the 1787 
agitation was transferred to Hanipshii-e County ; and on De- 
cember 7th addresses were sent to the different towns, one by 
the " chairman of the Committee," and one by one of the lead- 
ers, reciting the grievances and asking for sympathy and 
support. The more reckless of the leaders hastened to march 
to Boston to release the imprisoned rioters, so that the gov- 
ernor ordered the troops of Middlesex County to be in readi- 
ness. The weather was very cold, and the action of the gov- 
ernor prevented the insurgents from going to Boston, so that 
they left Worcester on December 9th, Shays and a large body 
of men going to Rutland. They were not welcomed, and many 
froze or starved to death. They excited so much pity that 
Shays was asked if he would abandon the rebellion and retire 
if a pardon was granted to him, and he replied, "Yes, in a mo- 
ment." One was made out, but no opportunity was found of 
delivering it to him. He subsequently determined to prevent 
the session of the courts at Springfield on December 26th. 
The agitation in Hampshire County, which had for some time 
been insurrectionary, now assumed the form of open rebell- 
ion. Shays marched into the town with three hundred men 
and took possession of the court-house and sent a petition to 
the court not to transact business, to which they perforce con- 
sented, and he left the court-house. On January 1st the gov- 
ernor heard that the insurgents were going to "Worcester on 
the 23d, and he determined to support the courts there at any 
cost. Forty-four hundred men were ordered from five coun- 
ties, together with four companies of artillery, to meet in Bos- 
ton on the 18th and 19th of January, to be on duty for thirty 
days. The Hampshire quota of twelve hundred men was or- 
dered to Springfield under General Shepard. The eastern 
militia were to meet in Roxbury and to join the Worcester 
forces at Worcester, which they did on the 22d, when order 
was restored. On the 12th of January the governor issued an 
address to the people, in which he stated the whole case im- 
partially, asking the assistance of aU good citizens in the Com- 
monwealth. On the 19th of January, 1787, he issued orders 



178 LIFE OF MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1787 to Major-General Lincoln, putting- him in command of the 
mihtaiy and empowering him, if he thought necessary, to call 
on the other major-g-euerals for assistance. Besides this, the 
Council gave to the general the fullest possiliie powers. The 
appearance of a large armed force in the east had pi-evented 
any further demonstrations there, but the comparative im- 
munity in the western part of the State made the insurgents 
there so bold that General Shepard was ordered to take pos- 
session of Springfield at once. Here he collected eleven hun- 
dred men to defend the town and the arsenal, which the men 
under Shays' command expected to seize on the 24th. Eleven 
hundred men were marshaled under Shays, who had just 
reached Wilbraham on his march from Rutland. A part of 
Lincoln's troops were less than two days' march in the rear of 
Shays. Four hundred men and boys, well armed and well 
drilled, were assembled on the western side of the river at 
West Springfield under Day. There was a good ice bridge 
over the river at the time, so that he was within easy reach 
of the arsenal. Four hundred more from Berkshu*e under 
Eli Parsons were at Chicopee in the northern part of the 
town. The insurgent force was nearly double that of General 
Shepard. 

On his march toward Springfield General Lincoln wi'ote to 
General Paterson at Lenox : 

"Marlboro', Jan'y 22d, 1787. 
"To Major General Paterson. 

" Sir : You will before this have received the Governors orders to hold 
your Division in readiness to march on the shortest notice ; if in your 
opinion, a body of four hundred men can be detached from your Di\ision, 
without endangering the general interests, you will in that case imme- 
diately detach, to remain in service for the term of 30 days, unless sooner 
discharged, one Colonel, one Lt. Colonel, 1 Major, eight Captains, 16 
Subalterns, thirty-two Sargents, thirty-two Corporals, four hundred rank 
and file ; — & direct them to rendezvous at such place as shall be most 
convenient within the limits of your own Division. If such rendezvous 
shall be nearer to Springfield than your own dwelling, you will in that 
case direct the Commanding Oflicer of the men detached to march to 
Springfield, the moment he shall receive information from General Shep- 
ard, that the Insurgents have embodied and march toward Worcester & 



ORDERS OF XJENERAL LDsCOLN. 179 

made it necessaiy he should follow them, & take possession of the public ITS'* 
buildings & cover the magazine there, imtil further orders. In case you 
are nearer to Springfield than the place of Rendezvous, you will please on 
receiving information from General Shepard, that the Insurgents have 
embodied, & that he must follow them with his detachment, you will 
order the Regiment detached by you to march to Springfield & take pos- 
session of the public buildings, thei-e, & remain as a cover to the maga- 
zine until! further orders ; you will please to direct that youi- detachment 
march well-armed with flint-locks, whose Calibers shall carry as near as 
possible 18 balls to the pound, with bayonets, cartridge boxes & 30 rounds 
of cartridge, suitable to their fire-arms, blankets, carteens & havi'esacs 
with provision sufficient to supply them on the road to Springfield. You 
will please to cause that the Selectmen be reminded, of the several towns, 
of their obligations, by law to supply the men with Camp-Utensils, car- 
riages & to forward pro^asion to them untill they shall receive informa- 
tion from the Commissary General or his Deputy, that such supplies, are 
no longer necessary. You would have been early called upon for men, 
had it not been the opinion, of the Governor & Council, 'that you could 
not make a detachment from your Division, consistent with safety to the 
well-affected. I shall think myself obliged to j'ou for such information 
of the movements of the Insiu'gents, as you think necessary for me to be 
acquainted with. 

" I have the honor of being 

"Dear Sir with real Esteem 

" Your obedt. servt. 



On the 23d he as:ain wi'ites : 



" B. Lincoln." ■ 



"Worcester, Jan'y 23d, 1787. 



"To Major General John Paterson. 

"Dear Sir : Should the Insurgents move in force from your County, 
to this side the I'iver, you will please to follow them with as great a 
force, as you can draw from your DiWsion, without leaving imsupported 
the well affected in your part of the Country ; & to mai'ch to Springfield, 
& there unite your force with Major General Shepard, to cover the Maga- 
zine ; and should the Insurgents move in any force, toward this quarter, 
or any other, you will with as great a body as you can spare with security 
to the Arsenal, progress after them. 

" I have the honor of being 

" Dear Sir with real Esteem 

"Your obedt. servt. 

"B. Lincoln." t 

* Communicated by S. T. Crosby, Esq., of Boston. 
+ Ibid. 



180 LIFE OP JIAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1787 L^^ke Day of West Springfield was undoubtedly the ablest 
of all the leaders of the rebellion. He had served honorably 
during the Revolution and had retired poor. He had been 
a captain, but was given the brevet rank of a major at the 
close of the war. He was a fluent speaker, and by constantly 
talking about his own and their ''grievances" to his ''fellow- 
sufferers" had convinced himself and them that there were some 
great wrongs to be redressed. He became popular with his 
townspeople and commenced to drill those who agreed with 
him, who were at first armed only with clubs, but afterward 
with muskets. By force of flattery from others and constantly 
hearing himself talk, he had become convinced that he had a 
great mission to perform. He was a man much superior to 
Shays, and it was only by an accident that he had not become 
the recognized leader of the rebellion. He clearly considered 
himself to be the superior man, and was undoubtedly so, and 
he evidently thought that the success of the present undertak- 
ing, of which he seemed to be certain, would be owing to his 
direction of it. He was, however, like many others before 
and since, a victim of the disease, or rather moral weakness, 
of " caccethes loquendiJ' He kept the town in a constant state 
of alarm by seizing respectable citizens in their own houses, to 
be held as hostages and for purposes of retaliation. 

Shays on the 24th sent a message from Wilbraham to Day, 
asking him to co-operate with him in an attack the next day 
at 4 A.M. Day replied that he coidd not do so on the 25th, but 
would do so on the 26th. This letter was intercepted by Gen- 
eral Shepard, but Shays knew nothing of it. Day then sent a 
summons to General Shepard to surrender and disperse. The 
same day Shays sent a petition from Wilbraham to General 
Lincoln, who was two days' march distant, asking for a sus- 
pension of all hbstilities until the next General Court could 
settle all their difficulties, which was evidently only a blind, as 
General Lincoln was still two daj's' march from Springfield. 
He did not wait for an answer. On the afternoon of the 25th. 
Shays, in ignorance of the interception of his letter to Day, 
who evidently thought that he was going to captm-e the whole 



THE ATTACK OX SPRINGFIELD. 181 

command of General Shepard independently of Shays and 
wished to get the whole credit for it himself, was ordered by 
General Shepard, who had been notified of Shaj^s' departure 
from Wilbraham, to fall back, but his reply was that they in- 
tended to take the barracks, and he marched to wathin tAvo 
hundred and flft}' yards of it. General Shepard sent a mes- 
seng-er to Shays informing him that he was posted where he 
was by the orders of the governor and of Congress, and again 
ordered him to fall back, stating that if he did not do so at 
once he should fire on him. Some old army comrades went 
out to meet Shays and adAdsed him to lay down his arms and 
abandon his treason, but though he received them pleasantly 
he declined to stop. As he still advanced, the general ordered 
his troops to fire the cannon, but over the heads of the insurg- 
ents, and two volleys were so fii'ed ; but this only increased 
their confidence, and they continued to advance. A discharge 
of artillery fired low sent his men flying in all directions with- 
out firing a single shot, crying, " Murder ! " from theu' rear, 
and leaving three of their number dead upon the field. The 
precipitate retreat of the insurgents, which Shays was unable 
to stop until they had gone more than ten miles, stopped the 
affray. They were not pursued, as the object was to terrify 
rather than to kill the relwls. This ended what might have 
been a most disastrous conflict. Shays had the larger num- 
ber of men, but was very poorly of&cered. General Shepard 
had an inferior number, but was very well oflBcered. 

How near this movement of the rebel leader came to being 
successful is shown l^y an extract from a letter of General 
Schuyler to Henry C. Van Schaack, then a resident of Pitts- 
field, dated Februar}- 7th : 

" Mr. Shays seems to me to want a good head : I think he should not 
have appeared in the vicinity of General Shepard without having first 
concerted with his other leaders a plan of attack. To leave that adjust- 
ment to the last moment was injudicious, and with irregular troops it 
seems to me that he should have attempted to dislodge General Shepard 
at the dawn of day; hut taut mieux pour nous, for Heaven only knows 
what would have been the consequence if Shays had gained a \actory." 



182 LIFE or jMAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

]787 The result of the conflict might have been very different 
liad they really fouglit, and if Shays had taken the arsenal 
there is no doubt but much blood would have been shed. 
General Shepard feared another attack, but the men under 
Day did nothing. He was intensely irritated at the failure, 
and remained at West Springfield entirely inactive. On the 
27th the troops of General Lincoln arrived. There was then 
no further danger of an attack upon General Shepard, but 
Day was cut off from communications with the west and Shays 
with the north. Notwithstanding the cold and fatigue of his 
troops, who were weary from their long march, General Lin- 
coln ordered the army under arms at 4 p.m. on the 27th — 
the day he arrived — after a rest of only one hour. He went 
over on the ice to captm'e Day, who hastily retreated. His 
flight left his men to shift for themselves, and they offered 
little resistance, but retreated north so hastily that they left 
their half-cooked meals on the fii*e and their bread in the 
ovens and ran, leaving the road to Northampton strewed with 
their muskets and knapsacks. His junction with Shays was 
prevented by General Shepard. In the meantime General 
Lincoln had marched to capture Shays, who fled to Amherst 
in such confusion that his party mistook their own rear-guard 
for the soldiers of General Lincoln. As the result of this vic- 
tory, the Middlesex militia, two thousand in number, who 
were entering Worcester, were ordered back. They had pro- 
duced all the effect that was necessary by the exhibition of 
their military power. Shays, who went plundering provisions, 
fled to Pelham and took shelter among the hills. It was found 
that in his retreat he had carried many men from the town 
and ten sleigh-loads of provisions with him. A small party 
of General Shepard's men who had been captured were re- 
taken, with flfty-nine of the insurgents and nine sleigh-loads 
of provisions. On January 30th General Lincoln sent a letter 
to Shays, demanding surrender. Shays replied, asking that 
both of the armies remain where they were, pending a presen- 
tation of the difficulties to the General Court. This was fol- 
lowed by a letter from three other of Shays' leaders. On the 



ACTION OF THE GENERAL COURT. 183 

31st General Lincoln replied that he conld not admit their 1787 
claims, and ordered them to disband under risk of being im- 
mediately attacked, but offered pardon to privates and non- 
commissioned officers who would lay down their arms and 
take the oath of allegiance. The time had arrived for the 
General Court to assemble, but affairs w^ere in such confusion 
that the members could not be collected until February 3d, 
the fourth day after the day to which they had adjourned. 
The governor rehearsed the situation to them. 

There was considerable delay in reaching the business of 
the session, because petitions for the redress of all kinds of 
grievances were sent in from many different towTis who 
commenced to see that their cause was hopeless. After some 
discussion they declared a state of rebelhon to exist, ap- 
proved of the action of the governor and of General Lincoln, 
voted the supplies necessary for the army, empowered the 
government to pardon privates and non-commissioned officers 
on condition of giving up their arms and swearing the oath 
of allegiance. A petition from Shays, dated Pelham, January 
30, 1787, was received, which was really in the shape of a 
claim for a treaty backed by two thousand men, in order 
to get advantageous terms for themselves, and the court de- 
clared that it could not be received. Shays, afraid of fm-ther 
desertions of his men, did not wait at Pelham to hear the result 
of the court's decision, but marched to Petersham on February 
3d, as a numl)er of the towns in that vicinity had promised to 
support him. An officer of his the same day asked an inter- 
view with an officer of the army with a view to obtaining par- 
don for aU the principals, but did not wait for an answer. 
General Lincoln heard of the march to Petersham the same 
day at noon at Hadley. It was supposed at fh'st that this was 
only a feint, but orders wgre at once given for the army to be 
ready to march at a moment's notice wdth three days' provi- 
sions. Intelligence w^as received at 6 p.m. which made it cer- 
tain that Shays' movement was a retreat, and the necessary 
orders were issued at once to march, and at 8 p.m., January 
27th, the army moved. The weather was very cold when they 



184 LIFE OF MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSOX. 

1787 started. At 2 a.m. a violent wind, witli a snow-storm, arose. 
It was so bitterly cold that tliey had to march, for their only 
safety was in motion. They marched the whole distance, 
thirty miles, to Petersham, which the advance reached at 9 a.m. 
the next morning, the rear being five miles distant. The in- 
sm-gents in the meantime were honsed and warm, and felt 
perfectly secure. The surprise was complete. They aban- 
doned the town by the back road in complete confusion, 
hardly firing a gun. They were pursued about two miles, and 
one hundred and fifty taken prisoners, but no blood was shed. 
Shays with three hundred of his men retreated to Winchester, 
New Hampshire. Others, including the principal officers, fled 
into New York and Vermont, while some, convinced that the 
cause was hopeless, went back to their own homes. The pri- 
vates among the prisoners were disarmed, and those who took 
the oath of allegiance received passports to return to their 
several towns. 

He immediately -wTote to General Paterson countermanding 
his instructions of January 22d and 23d : 

" Springfield, Jan'y 28th, 1787. 
"To Major General Paterson. 

"Dear Sir: I have the pleasure to inform you, from the dispersed 
state of the Insurgents, a greater force, than are now on the ground, will 
be unnecessary. You will therefore please to suffer your troops to re- 
turn, & if their remaining in arms should not be necessary to preserve 
the peace of your own county, you will suffer them to return to their 
several homes. I expect that we shall soon move a considerable force, 
which came on with me, into your County. If the whole of the troops 
should not be with you, you will send a copy of this letter to them, with 
orders for them to return also. 

"I have the honor of being 

" Dr Sir with sincere Esteem 

" Your obt Servt. 
^ "B. Lincoln."* 

In the meantime the insurgents in Berkshii-e County were 
becoming troublesome. General Paterson did not always find 
himself supported by the majority, and wi-ote to General Lin- 

* Collection of S. T. Crosby, Esq., of Boston. 



THE DsSURRECTIOX IX BERKSHIRE COL'XTY. 185 

coin for instructions and reinforcements. The letters and re- 1787 

pUes are given Ijelow : 

" Stockbridge, January 29, 1787. 

" Sir : This morning I had the pleasure to receive your favor of yester- 
day by Mr. Cook, my express. I most sincerely congratulate you on the 
happy jjrospects which are before us in aristocration of legal and consti- 
tutional Government. There have been some days, and indeed ever since 
I have been here, a number of men hovering around me, threatening my 
troops and annojing the peaceable inhabitants. I this afternoon have 
formed an expedition against them, which has been executed with suc- 
cess. I have in my possession eighty-four prisoners, and the residue of 
the pai'ty are wholly dispersed. It has been this evening in contempla- 
tion with a number of gentlemen to apprehend the leaders of the insur- 
rection who have dared to stimulate to rebellion the ignorant and thought- 
less, but feared to risk their own persons in the conflict ; but it is thought 
prudent to omit it, until your Honor arrives with the power of Govern- 
ment. General Eossiter, who is a \'irtuous citizen, a good ofBleer, and 
has been serviceable in the business of this day, will have the honor to 
hand you this, and every information you may need he is capable of com 
municating. 

" I have the honor to be, with the gi'eatest respect, 

"Your obedient serv*, 

"John Paterson. 

"N.B. — If you should find it consistent with your plans and circum- 
stances to send on a body of troops from yom* Command to this County, I 
wish it might be done immediately, as you are sensible we have hitherto 
been much the weakest party, and perhaps the business of this day will 
raise the spirits of the Insurgents, to the disadvantage of some good 
people. 

"I have three hmidred men or upwards in good spirits, shall be obliged 
to keep them embodied imtil yom* troops arrive. Captain Bacon, who ac- 
companies General Rossiter, is a respectable gentleman and a staimch 
friend to Government. ,, j^^,^, Paterson. * 

" Stockbridge, January 29, 1787. 

On the 31st. finding that the insurgents from different parts 
of the country proposed to make a junction and attack in a 
body, he wi'ote again to General Lincoln : 

u^r^ r-^,.^ ^7 7-- 7 "Stockbridge, Januarv 31. 1787. 

* lo tTeucral Lincoln : ' • 

" Sir : The desperation of the factions in this County against Govern- 
ment has induced a kind of frenzy, the efliects of which have been a most 

* Massachusetts Archives, vol. cxc, p. 338. 



186 LIFE OF :\L\JOK-GEXERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1787 iudiistrions propagation of falsehood and misrepresentation of facts, and 
tlie consequent agitation of the minds of the deluded multitude. 

"Last night, by express from several parts of the County. I am in- 
formed of insiirrections taking place. My only seciu'ity imder present 
circumstances vnll be attempting to prevent a junction of the insurg- 
ents, which probably cannot be effected without the effusion of blood ; 
to extricate me from this disagreeable situation, therefore, I pray you, 
Sir, to send to my aid a sufficient force to prevent the necessity of adopt- 
ing that measure. 

"I am, Sir, with much Esteem, 

" Your most obedient servant, 

"John Patersox, Major-General."* 

In reply to Greneral Paterson's fii'st letter General Lincoln 
replied by courier, congratulating him and gi\'ing special di- 
rections for the treatment of his prisoners : 

"Hadley, January 31, 1787. 
" To Major-General Paterson. 

"Dear Sir : I am this moment honored with the receipt of your favor 
of the 29th. I congratulate you on our late success. I have no doubt 
but we shall have it in our power in a short time to disperse the people 
now in arms against the Government, and that if the Legislature in their 
present session shall act with decision and firmness we shall effectually 
crush the present Eebellion. Whether this is done or not must depend 
upon the General Court, for if they should not declare a rebellion to exist 
and make provisions to keep up a force until the heads of the insurg- 
ents and their abettors are apprehended, tried, and punished, these 
Counties will be in a more miserable state than before, for I have na 
doubt if the Lisurgents were now dispersed and we returned that they 
would again embody, in which case our friends would be more exposed 
than ever. 

" If among the insurgents there are any youth or simple men in years, 
who, fi'om the want of the means of information or fi'om the want of 
abilities to apply to right objects the information they do receive, such 
persons I think might be permitted to return to their several homes, after 
giving up their arms (such men ought not at present to hold them) & 
taking the oath of allegiance to the Commonwealth. 

" Those of another Class who have known better than they have acted 
& are now so convinced of their error, as that their liberation, under 
bond, may not be dangerous to the well affected, they I think might also 
be liberated on taking the oaths ; There are another class, who, I think 

* Massachusetts Archives, vol. cxc, p. 339. 



THE INSURRECTION IN BERKSHIRE COUNTY. 187 

should be committed by a warrant from a Justice of the Peace being too 1787 
inimical to be at large. 

" I am fully in sentiment with you, that you should not at present, 
attempt the arresting the most dangerous characters. 

*•■ Shays has pushed himself into Pelham where he has the strongest 
gi-ound. I hope however that we shall have it in our power soon to dis- 
lodge him : it would be too great a division of our force to detach at 
present ; the earliest opportimity will be embraced for doing it. 

" You must I think be perfectly secure by keeping your men together 
as the Insurgents cannot now collect in force without your knowledge & 
may be taken in detachment. 

"You may assure all the privates in your division that if they will sur- 
render themselves, give up their arms & take the oath of allegiance to 
the State before some Justice of the Peace in your County that they will 
be recommended to pardon 

"I have the honor of being 

" Dear Sir with real Esteem 

"Yom- obedt Serv 

"To Genl Paterson." "^- Lincoln.* 

As General Paterson's second letter made it necessary for 

General Lincoln to change his plans, he wrote to the governor 

as follows : 

"Head Quarters Hadley, Feby 1, 1787. 

"Dear Sir: I have just now been honored with the receipt of your 
Excellency's favor of the 25th Ulto 

" Since mine of the 30th Ulto by Mr Rice I have rec'd two letters No 1 
& No 2 from Genl Paterson ; they with my answers No 3 & No 4 I have 
the honor of enclosing. I have daily addresses fi-om Towns, paper No 5 
is one from Granby, since that I have rec'd the doings of a town meeting 
in New Braintree paper No 6 is an answer to those Towns & the spirit 
of my answers to others : Paper No 7 is an application from Shays ; No 8 
is my answer. 

"1 wait with a degree of impatience for such weather as will permit 
my reconnoitering Shays' post, which as I observed before is a very strong 
one ; every exertion will be made to bring this matter to a happy close. 
"I am dear Sir with sentiments of esteem 

"Your Excellency's most obedient Servant 

"B. LiNCOLN.t 

"His Excellency Governor Boirdoln" 

* Collection of S. T. Crosby, of Boston, and Massachusetts Archives, 
vol. cxc, p. 342. 

t Massachusetts Archives, vol. cxc, p. 347. 



188 LIFE OF JIAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1787 On the receipt of General Paterson's second letter, G-eneral 
Lincoln replied as follows : 

"Head Quarters, Hadley, Feby 1, 1787. 

" Dear Sir : I am this moment honored with the receipt of your favom- 
of yesterday's date. 

" Before you receive this you will probably receive mine by General 
Rossiter, in it I have fully expressed my sentiments relative to the im- 
portance of your preventing a junction of the men in arms against Gov- 
ernment & that I could not at present make any detachments, the great 
object I have in view is to disperse Shays : this 1 hope & expect soon to 
do. Should you find your Insurgents assembling in such force as to en- 
danger your situation, you had better fall this way ; for if you cannot 
maintain your ground, you cannot give protection to our friends should 
you attempt it, if you should progress this way we shall soon form a 
junction, & bear down the opposition instantly 

"I expect that we shall soon be jilaeed respecting the controversy on 
very different gi'ounds. The Legislature I am confident will immediately 
declare a rebellion to exist whicli will remove that delicacy which now in 
a degree, fetters all our movements. If in any of your marches the insur- 
gents should attempt to obstruct your movements in order to apprehend 
any of these parties, you have a right to fire upon them ; of their danger 
I would first warn them. 

"Lest my letter of yesterday may have fallen into improper hands, I 
now enclose a copy of it. — 

"I have the honor of being 

"Dr Sir with sincere Esteem 

"Your obt Servt 

"B. Lincoln.* 

" Genl Pater son." 

, On February 5th Governor Bowdoin wrote to General Lin- 
coln sending him a copy of the declaration that rebellion ex- 
isted in the commonwealth and of the resolves passed by 
the legislature. He notified him that twenty-three hundi-ed 
men were to rendezvous at Worcester, under Major-General 
Brooks, on the lOth. " You will please order them," he wrote, 
" to gather the three hundi*ed men from the fourth division to 
operate in such a manner as you may think proper. Colonel 
Hall, on his arrival, informed me that you had ordered two 

* Collection of S. T. Crosby, of Boston, and Massachusetts Archives, 
vol. exc, p. 345. 



THE INSURRECTION IN BERKSHIRE. 189 

regiments from the 3d division, but General Brooks thinks, 1787 
from his knowledge of those regiments, that few of the pri- 
vates belonging to them would be assembled. As the pro- 
ceedings of the General Court may produce some powerful 
and desperate efforts on the part of the insurgents, and as it 
now becomes essential to the dignity and safety of the gov- 
ernment effectually to crush the insurrection, I have thought 
best to order an additional force, which from seventeen hun- 
dred has become twenty-six hundred, in consequence of a con- 
ference which I had this evening with a committee of the Gen- 
eral Coui't, who signified theii" idea that it would be proper to 
enlarge the number." 

The defeat at Springfield and the surprise of the retreating 
insui'gents at Petersham by General Lincoln, who with an 
army of eastern militia was sent by Governor Bowdoin to re- 
store public order, broke the heart of the rebellion ; but there 
was still a considerable number of men in Berksliii*e who had 
not been able to join Shays on account of the rapid movements 
of General Lincoln, and who now determined to act for them- 
selves and caU off the troops from the east by making demon- 
strations in their own county. They determined to occupy 
the mountains between the two counties of Hampshire and 
Berkshu'e, where there are plenty of positions easily defended, 
from whence they could raid the adjacent towns and secure 
hostages at will. 

Being informed of this state of things, General Paterson 
had raised a body of five hundred men, consisting of the most 
respectable people of the county, many of the most prominent 
citizens being walling in the public defense to serve in the 
ranks in their own and the public cause. This was but a 
small force to serve all over the county against a force of law- 
less men Avho were always changing their position, and who, 
recognizing no legal authority, were raiding, robbing, and 
murdering wherever they found an opportunity. He had also 
earnestly entreated assistance from General Lincoln, w^ho had 
promptly responded by making his headquarters at Pittsfield. 
General Paterson's letter is given on the next page : 



190 LIFE OF SIAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1787 " Lanesborough. Februarys, 1787. 

" To Major-General Lincoln : 

" Dear Sir : Having intelligence on Wednesday last that a party of in- 
surgents were collecting at a j)lace called Stafford's Hill at the south part 
of Adams, I thought it my duty to move the troops under my command 
toward them. That evening I arrived at Pittsfield, and, seeing me deter- 
mined to come toward them, they decamped from their situation with a 
declared intention of collecting their forces the next day at the south end 
of Williamstown. Convinced that my safety depended on the rapidity of 
my movements, on Friday I marched toward the intended place of ren- 
dezvous of the enemy. A small party had collected, who immediately 
dispersed at my approach. On Satm-day I returned to this place, where 
I have been informed that the insurgents are collecting at the southeast 
and southwest corners of the county. A man by the name of Bishop was 
taken prisoner, and this day released in Partridgefield by a party under 
command of Major Wiley of about thirty-five men (whom his followers 
called General), who said he was then pointing his course toward Wash- 
ington, where he was to be met by a party of two hundred more, who had 
marched from this county and who had not been able to make their way 
to Shays by reason of the force of Government which lay in their way. 
From Sandisfield I am informed, and by gentlemen upon whom I depend, 
that about forty men had marched from that town and were progi'essing 
toward the same place. Mr. Hurst, a gentleman of veracity and judg- 
ment, was this day made a prisoner by that same party, then increased 
to four hundred men. I am fui'ther assured that a man who principally 
directs the movements of the insurgents in this county has been some 
days since in the State of New York, endeavoring by the propagation of 
every falsehood he could invent to arouse the inhabitants to reinforce his 
party here. 

" I have thought it my duty thus to detail to you my real situation, and 
I am certain that, if in your power, you will immediately dispatch a body 
of men from those under your command to my aid. Should this not be 
the case, I would suggest to your consideration the propriety of making 
a detachment from the body of militiamen under command of General 
Shepard. 

"I am, sir, with much esteem, 

' ' Your most obedient servant, 

"John Paterson, MaJ.-Gen. 

" To HonUe MaJrGenrl Lincoln. 

"P.S. — To-morrow I shall move to Lenox, where I shall possess the 
most eligible situation in which eitlier to defend myself or prevent a junc- 
tion of the enemy. Should I find them collected in a situation in which I 
shall judge it practicable to attack them with a probability of success, I 
shall not wait the determination of the General Court determining that 



GENERAL PATERSON'S LETTER. 191 

they are in a state of rebellion to consider them as such, and act accord- 1787 
ingly with your troop, and pray you to forward ammunition, which is 
much wanted, especially balls." * 

The following is the duplicate of the above letter sent later : 

" Lanesborough, 5 Febv 1787. 

"Dear Sir: Having intelligence on Wednesday last that a party of 
the insurgents were collecting at a place called Staffords Hill at the 
south end of Adams, I thought it my duty to move the troops under my 
command toward them. That evening I arrived at Pittstield. Perceiv- 
ing me determined they decamped from their situation with a declared 
iniention of meeting the next day at the south end of Williamstown. 
Convinced that my safety depended on the rai)idity of my motions, on 
Friday I marched toward their intended place of rendezvous, a small 
party had collected there, who on my approach imediately dispersed. 
On Saturday I returned to this place. Here I have been informed that 
the insurgents ai'e collecting at the southeast and southwest corners of 
the county. A Mr. Bishop was taken prisoner by a party of about 85 
men, under the direction of Major "Wiley, whom his followers stiled Gen- 
eral, who said he was then pointing his coiu-se toward Washington, where 
he was to be joined by 200 men who had marched from this county, with 
an intention to join Shays but had not been able to effect their purpose. 
From Sandisfield I am informed by gentlemen on whose representation I 
fully rely, that about 40 men had marched from that town and were pro- 
gi-essing toward the same place of rendezvous. Mr. Hurst, a Gentleman 
of character, and with whom I have conversed, was made to-day a pris- 
oner by this same party then increased to about 100 m^n. I am further 
assured that a man who principally directs the movements of the insur- 
gents in this county has been some days since in the State of New York 
endeavoring by the propagation of every falsehood he could invent to 
rouse the people there to reinforce his party. 

" Thus I have thought it my duty to detail to you my real situation, 
and I am certain if in your power you will detach immediately to my aid 
a body of the Troops under your imediate command. Should this not be 
in your power I beg leave to suggest to your consideration the propriety 
of detaching a part of the Hampshire militia under the comand of Gen- 
eral Shepard. 

" Thus far is a duplicate of wh.'t I sent you tliis morning. Since then 
I am arrived at Lenox. Since I came here videttes whom I had sent for 
that purpose report that Wiley has taken post at Washington and they 
report that their force is composed of considerable numbers. 

* Massachusetts Archives, vol. cxc, p. 355. 



192 LIFE OF ]\L\JOR-GENEKAL JOHN PaTERSON. 

1787 "This letter will be handed you by Mr. Brown who can inform you of 
any particulars of which you wish to enquire. 
" I am Dear Sir, 

"With much esteem, 

" Your most obed. Servt. 
" T)w Hon M.-Genl Lincoln:' * "John Paterson. 

On the receipt of this letter General Lincoln determined to 
march to Berkshire at once. He wrote on Febrnary 6th to the 
governor t of his change of plans, and started for Berkshu-e. 
In the meantime the couriers had carried several letters be- 
tween the two generals, which are given below. He wrote at 
once in reply to General Paterson : 

" Petersham, Feb'y 6th, 1787. 
'^To Major General John Paterson. 

"Dear Sir: I have been honoured with the receipt of your favor of 
yesterday's date. 

"Shays, Saturday afternoon left Pelham ; in the evening I received 
infoi-mation of his movements, put the Troops in motion, & arrived here 
on Sunday morning, at 5 o'clock. 

"Upon our approach, he left this place, in a very precipitate manner, 
—150 fell into our hands ; he moved thro' Athol Northerly ; the last in- 
formation I had of him was near Chesterfield, in the State of New Hamp- 
shire, with about 100 men ; the rest are dispersed, & many returned to 
their homes ; this gives me an opportunity to remove as fast as possible 
toward you. — I shall commence my march for Hadley, to-morrow morn- 
ing : No time will be lost in throwing a very sufficient force into your 
County. I shall have the pleasure to come with the Troops. 

" The General Court have conducted with great spirit & dignity — they 
have fully approved the measures taken ; they will provide for the ex- 
pense of them ; they have declared a Rebellion to exist, & have ordered 
the Governor to keep up a force untill the Rebellion is fully crushed. 
Take some strong post, if you consider yourself in danger, untill I can 
relieve you. Should you think it advisable to attach the Insurgents, 
prior thereto ; warn them of their danger, & that the General Court has 
declared a Rebellion to exist, & that if they do not surrender, they will 
be considered as open Enemies, & treated as such. 
"I have the honor of being 

" Dr Sir with sincere Esteem 

"Your obt. Servt. 

" B. Lincoln." X 

* From collection of Z. T. Hollingsworth, of Boston. 
t Massachusetts Archives, vol. cxc. p. 358. 
X Communicated by S. T. Crosby, of Boston. 



AJINESTY OFFERED THE REBELS. 193 

General Patersou could not implicitly rely npon the militia 1787 
which the law placed nnder his command, for a large major- 
ity of them had in the beginning of the conflict sympathized 
with, aided, and abetted the opposition to the government; 
but when it came to armed rebellion many of them had yielded 
to their sober second thought. This change in the position 
of the better class of those who had favored the agitation in 
its earlier stages was due in part to their own observation of 
what it threatened against society and the country, but it was 
also largely aided by several gentlemen of influence, who went 
from town to town calling attention to the dangers with which 
it threatened the commonwealth ; and of these General Pater- 
son was one of the most influential, especially among those 
who had served with him in the war. The change, however, 
was not extensive enough for him to rely upon it for restoring 
order in the county, and hence his appeal to General Lincoln. 
That it was not unnecessary was proved by the later outrages 
at Stoekbridge upon the Rev. Mr. Skeele at Egi-emont, and in 
other places by an inroad of Shays' men from New York. 

The news of the affair at Petersham reached the General 
Court on February 6th. It gave gi'eat encouragement to the 
friends of good order, but the com-t hesitated to authorize the 
countermanding of the order for the two thousand six hundred 
men ; but on further information on February 8tli they re- 
duced the number to one thousand five hundred, to be enlisted 
for four months. They requested the governor to offer a re- 
ward of £150 for the arrest of any of the leaders of the re- 
bellion, and desired him to ask the governors of the other 
States to do the same. They complimented General Lincoln 
for his march from Hadley to Petersham. The insurgents 
now changed their tactics and commenced attacks by small 
bodies by surprises, attended wdtli robbery and murder. On 
February 16tli amnesty was again offered, but this time they 
were required to lay down their arms and take the oath, and 
were required to keep the peace for three years, dui-ing which 
time they were not to be allowed to vote, to hold any office, 
nor to serve the State in any capacity nor receive any honor 
or emolument that the State could grant, unless by the 1st of 



194 LIFE OF 3IAJ0R-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1787 May, 1788, they could satisfy the General Court of their un- 
qualitied support of the government. The governor was given 
power to dispense with the whole or any part of the conditions 
in favor of any one who, ha\dng taken up arms against the 
government, volunteered for its support before the 1st of 
February, and to all persons who had accepted the conditions 
of G-eneral Lincoln offered on the 29th and 30th of January. 
This law caused more than twenty of the towns to petition for 
the pardon of all State prisoners and the recall of the army. 
They promised that the rebels were now repentant, and would 
cease from any acts of rebellion ; but while they were making 
these promises General Lincoln sent letters representing the 
malignant acts of the rel^el marauding parties, which stopped 
all opposition to it in the General Court, and the bill was 
passed. 

When the rebels fled from Petersham on February 4th Gen- 
eral Lincoln dismissed three companies of artillery, ordered 
three regiments to Worcester, and started for Northfield, to 
which place the fugitives had fled. An express from General 
Paterson in Berkshire wdth the letters cited above changed his 
plans. The rebels there who had not been able to join Shays 
took up arms in that county. Five hundred of the best citizens 
organized themselves under General Paterson to oppose them. 
The rebels assembled at West Stockbridge under Hubbard, 
who had one hundred and fifty to two hundi'ed men. The 
forces were sent against them. The advance was fired on. 
On the demand of some of the gentlemen who were known to 
them that they should lay down their arms, some of them did 
so and the others fled. Two of the rebels were killed, and 
Hubbard and eighty-four men were taken prisoners. Most of 
these after being disarmed took the oath and went home. The 
rebels collected again at Adams but fled at General Paterson's 
approach to Williamstown, and on his appearing there they 
were dispersed and fomteen of their number were captured. 
They were determined to prevent the sitting of the courts, and 
were collecting in such numbers, and so large a body were 
actually on theii* march toward the to"v\Ti of Washington, un- 



THE REBELLION IX BERKSHIRE. 19o 

der a Major Wiley, as to make General Paterson's situation 1787 
unsafe ; and he therefore sent an express to General Lincoln 
for assistance. General Lincoln immediately started for 
Berkshire, passing through Amherst, Hadley, Chesterfield, 
Partridgefield, Worthington, Peru, Hinsdale, and Dalton to 
Pittsfield. Another division under General Shepard marched 
there by a different route. On February 10th he -WTote to 

General Lincoln : 

" Sheffield, Feb'y 10th, 1787. 

" Dear Sir : I have this moment heard that Wiley was yesterday at 
Greeu river, trying to collect men to assist in opposition to Government, 
and that he had procured a party, how many he does not know to join 
him, he gave out that his intention was to attack this party, part of his 
men were on this side of the line, & he with another part on the other 
side, the person who brought this intelligence is recommended to me as 
a man of truth. 

" I am with esteem 

"Your obedt. ser\i;. 

"John Paterson. 
"Honble Genl Lincoln, Pittsfield." * 

In the meantime General Lincoln wrote to him : 

"Pittsfield, Feb'y 12th, 1787. 
" To Major General John Paterson. 

" Dear Sir : Your favor of yesterday's date came to hand about 5 
o'clock this morning. 

" Two of our Kegiments arrived here yesterday, in the storm, exceed- 
ingly fatigued, the other is not up, which prevents their marching again 
this morning. I would have sent you some relief bj^ sleighs but they and 
many of our people are out, & have been so all night, in order to appre- 
hend some particular characters. Besides if the Kebels should attack 
at the time you supposed they would do it, I know that a reinforcement 
could not reach you ; I intend to-morrow morning to move one of our 
Regiments toward you. Should there be any appearances which shall 
make it indispensable to your safety, I will attempt to succour you 
before. 

" I have the honor of being 

" Dr Sir with sincere Esteem 

"Your obt. Servt. 

"B. Lincoln." t 

* From the collection of Grenville Kane, Esq., of New York, 
t Communicated by S. T. Crosby, of Bostoy. 



196 LIFE OF 3L\J0R-GEXERAL JOHN PATERSOX. 

1787 Two hundred and fifty rebels had in the meantmie collected 
in Lee to prevent the sitting- of the com*ts. Thi-ee hnndi-ed 
citizens assembled to protect the coui'ts. The rebels dispersed 
on the promise of the commander of the militia that he woidd 
have them tried at home if arrested. When the army aiTived 
in Pittsfield a party was dispatched to Dalton and another to 
"Williamstown to aiTest Wiley. Both parties retnrned the next 
day, the fii'st one ha^ang taken Wiley's son and six prisoners. 
Wiley escaped. The other party took fourteen, and had one 
man wounded. General Paterson had -vsi-itten for reinforce- 
ments, to wliich General Lincoln replied as below : 

•' Pittsfield, Feb'y 12th, 1787. 
" To Major General John Paterson. 

" Dear Sir : I am this moment honored with the receipt of your favor 
of this date, our men are now in the Regiment. Col. Woods will march 
for your part of the County in the morning. By the many people who 
have this day arrived I have little reason to believe that any party will 
attempt your force to-day ; the earliest succour will be given you. 
"I have the honor of being 

" Dr Sir with sincere Esteem 

" Your obt. Servt. 

"B. Lincoln."* 

While the army was in Berkshire marauding parties in the 
coimty of Worcester commenced to arrest travelers and to go 
plundering though the county, constantly insulting the friends 
of the government, in order to distr£\ct the attention of the 
forces in the west and partly to satisfy then* own desires for 
disorder. When this was learned at Worcester, a party of 
one hundred and fifty in sleighs and on horseback started to 
capture them. When the insurgents learned of it they left 
their quarters and went some little distance, secreted them- 
selves behind stone walls, and fii-ed on the mihtia and then 
fled to the woods. Two of the militia were wounded. The 
rebels were piu'sued to Rutland in Worcester County, where 
they were dispersed and foirr of them captured. 

On February 15th Eli Parsons, a very truculent person, who 

* Communicated by S. T. Crosby, of Boston. 



THE REBELLION IX BERKSHIRE. 197 

led some foiu- hundred Berkshire men in Shays' army, and 1787 
who was one of those who found a hiding-place among the 
hills, issued an address to his " fi'iends and fellow-sufferers in 
the lower counties," stating that he was collecting reinforce- 
ments from New York and Vermont, and beseeching the 
friends to assert their rights. The sanguinary character of 
this manifesto is shown by the last paragraph, which is given 
below : 

" The first step I would recommend is to destroy Shepard's army ; then 
proceed to the county of Berkshire, as we are now collecting in Xew 
Lebanon in York State and Pownal in Vermont State, with a determina- 
. tion to carry our point if fire, blood, and carnage will effect it. Therefore 
we beg that every friend will immediately proceed to the coimty of Berk- 
shire and help us BurgojTie Lincoln and his army." 

On February 16th General Shepard, with waiTants fi*om the 
proper authority, sent a party into Vermont to arrest Par- 
menter, one of the leaders, but they were met by such hostile 
assemblies that they were obhged to return to Massachusetts. 
They aftei-ward succeeded in aiTcsting the whole party, includ- 
ing Parmenter, who was tried and convicted of treason. They 
lost only one of their number. The period for which the 
militia were called out had expired on Febniary 1st, and the 
new troops not having arrived in any large number, and 
General Lincoln lieing left -vvith only about thirty men. the 
rebels determined to seize him and other persons, but put it 
off until the troops arrived and it could no longer be done. 
The turn that public opinion was taking at this time is weU 
illustrated by the letter given below : 

"EiCHMOXD. Feb. 22, 1787. 
" Hon. Maj. Gen. Lincoln. 

" Sir : Capt. "Wood proposes to make application to your honor in be- 
half of Roswell Turner, now a soldier in his Co. for his arms which were 
delivered up to Capt. Longfellow, when he was in this town. He lived 
in West Stockbridge, where the poisonous infection spread, & being young 
& ignorant, was easily influenced. He soon realized his fault & swore 
the oath of allegiance, and will most cheerfully employ his arms in the 

defense of the Government. 

"I am yours etc. 

"Nathaxiel Bishop." 



198 LIFE OF IMAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1787 The rebellion had now taken the shape of raids from neigh- 
boring; States. The General Court therefore instructed the 
governor to wiite to the governors of all these States, oif ering 
a reward for the capture of the rebels, and requesting them to 
take means to prevent their receiving supplies. The governor 
of Rhode Island replied on the 15th of February and promised 
to act, but did nothing ; but the Assembly by a large majority 
refused to act, and allowed one of the rebels a seat in its 
chamber. The governor of Connecticut replied on the 20th, 
offering every assistance, issued a proclamation, offering a 
reward for the apprehension of the rebels, and forbidding 
aid and comfort to be given to them. In May the Assembly 
passed a resolution ordering the arrest of persons inciting to 
rebellion, and they were arrested and imprisoned. In New 
Hampshire, where the legislature was not in session, the gover- 
nor and council ordered the arrest of persons inciting to re- 
beUion, and gave the major-general orders to arrest all armed 
parties coming into the State from other States. No answers 
were received from New York or Vermont. 

In order to provide against these raids General Lincoln 
wrote to General Paterson as foUows : 

"PiTTSFiELD, Feb'y 21, 1787. 
" To Major General John Paterson. 

" Dear Sir : You will please to raise immediately, to remain in service 
for the space of ten days, unless sooner discharged — 



Cap. 


Siib. 


Ser. 


Cor. 


D. & F. 


Private. 


4 


6 


16 


16 


4 4 


200 



cause one hundred to rendezvous at Sheffield on the twenty-third, there 
to remain for a cover to that & the neighboring Towns : — the other to 
rendezvous in this town on the same day. 

" I have the honor of being 

" Dr Sir with sincere Esteem 

" Your obt. Servt. 

"B. Lincoln."* 

General Paterson sent dispatches to General Lincoln notify- 
ing him of tlie approach of the rebels : 

* Communicated by S. T. Crosby, of Boston. 



THE EEBELLION IX BERKSHIRE. 199 

"Lenox, Feb. 25th, 1787. 1787 
" Dear Sir : The bearer, Mr. Bennett, I have directed to wait on you 
with Col. Ashley's letter to receive your orders. 

" I am with respect & esteem 

" Youi" obedient servant 

"John Paterson. 
" To Hon. M. Gen. Lincoln:' * 

On February 26th the people of the town of Richmond 
wrote to General Lincoln at Pittsfield that the insurgents 
were colleeting forces in New York State. 

"Feb. 26th, 1787. 
"Selectmen of Richmond 

"To Gen. Lincoln, at Pittsfield. 
" By intelligence this moment rec'd from New Canaan, the insurgents 
collected in X. York State have paraded & marched in 3 Di\'isions. 120 
was counted bet. 10 and 12 this evening in 1 Div. marching toward this 
County. "We are much alarmed at this Military appearance & think it 
our duty to give your Honor this, and every information that threatens 
so immediate destruction. We are your most obed. Servants 

"Jo* Rayjiond. 
"Benj. Pierson & Wm. Barns." t 

On February 26, 1787, eighty to ninety men under Captain 
Perez Hamlin came into Berkshire from New York State, pil- 
laged Stockbridge, took some of the principal men prisoners, 
and marched with their prisoners and booty to Great Bar- 
rington. They broke open the jail and set the prisoners free, 
and marched to Sheffield. They were met on the 27th on 
the western boundary of the town by eighty men under Col- 
onel Ashley, who gave them battle, and here the severest en- 
gagement of the rebellion took place. Two of the rebels were 
killed, and a third died of his wounds. Thirty, including 
Hamlin, their leader, were wounded, and a large number were 
taken prisoners. Of Colonel Ashley's forces two were killed 
and one was wounded. One of the killed was a prisoner in 
the hands of the rebels. He was killed by the fii*e of the mili- 
tia, for to screen themselves the rebels put theii' prisoners in 
front. General Paterson did not arrive in time for the action, 

" From MS. in possession of Mr. "Wm. Benjamin. 
+ Communicated by W. Benjamin, New York. 



200 LIFE OF MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSOX. 

1787 which had been so decisive. He came up a few hours later, 
and took charge of the prisoners and relieved the gentlemen 
who had so gallantly won the field and dispersed the rebels. 
The same day Colonel Ashley sent reinforcements to General 
Lincoln with field pieces and ammunition. Fearing an attack 
on Lanesboro, General Lincoln vrrote as follows : 

"PiTTSFiELD, Feb'y 28th, 1787. 
"To General John Patterson. 

"Dear Sir: I have im-ited all the Good People of Lanesborough to 
turn out this afternoon, & to remain in Arms till further Orders, for the 
purpose of defending their own Town, and of giving aid to their Friends, 
should they not be attacked themselves. My ajiplication is but a wish, 
they may or may not obej- it, it appears to me that their own safety re- 
quires the measure, would it not be well, if you are of the same opinion, 
to issue your orders on the subject. 

"I have the honor of being 

"Dr Sir with sincere Esteem 

"Yourobt. Ser^•t. 

''B. LiXCOLN."* 

On the 1st of March the senate ordered '' that his excellency 
the governor be and is hereby reciuested to express to Major- 
General Lincoln that the legislature entertain a high sense of 
the spu'it, patriotism, and distinguished merit of the officers 
and soldiers who at the call of their country have, with a 
cheerfulness peculiar to great and good minds, exerted them- 
selves in defense of the rights and privileges secured to the 
citizens of this commonwealth by our happy constitution." 

" The legislatm-e congratulate their brethren in arms on the 
success that has crowned their Adrtuous exertions for the sup- 
pression of the late lawless rebellion and insun-ection. 

'^ In the House of Representatives read and concun-ed, and 
approved by the governor." t 

After the attack at Stockl^ridge, February 26th, the General 
Court on March 8th requested the governor to wiite again, 
and asked the governors not only to arrest the rebels them- 
selves, but to allow the officers from Massachusetts to enter 

* Communicated by S. T. Crosby, of Boston, 
t Court Records, vol. xlix. 



CLOSE OF THE REBELLION. 201 

their States and arrest them. In the meantime General Lin- 1787 
coin, after the engagement at Sheffield, had sent an express to 
the governor, gi%'ing information of the affaii' of the 26th. 
The legislatui'e at once issued the most general orders to Gen- 
eral Lincoln ; three regiments of militia were ordered out to 
co-operate with the Massachusetts troops, and they gave the 
governor leave of absence in order to visit the governors of 
the neighboruig States, and he went to the scene of action 
with General Lincoln. This obliged the rebels to leave for 
Vermont. At first the governor of that State refused to do 
anything for fear that the legislature might be surrounded by 
men whom he knew were arming ; l)iTt on the urgent and very 
spirited resolution of the General Com-t of Massachusetts 
being sent to the governor of that State, and a remonstrance 
against the aiding of convicts flying from justice, the governor 
of Vermont issued on February 22d a proclamation as re- 
quested. The governor of Pennsylvania complied at once 
with the request of the governor of Massachusetts, and March 
1st offered an additional reward for the capture of the rel)els. 
On March 8th the General Court authorized the governor to 
march the miUtia out of the State if it was necessary. The 
governor WTote to Congress, informing them that there was 
an insurrection in the State, and requesting Congi'css to send 
troops to defend the Federal arsenal at Springfield, and asking 
a commission for General Lincoln and authority to march 
troops into any other State for the apprehension of the lead- 
ers. This done, the General Court proceeded to the trial of 
those in custody. On February 26th the Supreme Judicial 
Court were dii*ected to hold a special session of the counties 
of Berkshire, Hampshire, and Middlesex. The court was to 
sit in Worcester on the last Tuesday- in April. The selectmen 
were ordered to remove from the jury-list the names of all 
persons who had aided or forwarded the rebellion, unless such 
persons could obtain a vote of the town to have their names 
Teinserted, and the attorney for the commonwealth did not ob- 
ject. The rebeUion had in some towns been so general that 
there were hardly enough persons left to be officers of the cor- 



202 LIFE OF JIAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1787 poration. On the 10th of March the General Court appointed 
three commissioners whose duty it was on application of any 
one concerned in the rebellion, and on furnishing satisfactory 
evidence of theii* sorrow and taking the oath, to restore them 
to citizenship without being bound to keep the peace. From 
this act there were excepted Shays, Wheeler, Parsons, and 
Day, and any persons who had fired on or killed any citizens, 
and the commander of the party to which any person who 
had killed any citizen belonged, and any member of the rebel 
council of war, and all persons against whom warrants had 
been issued by the governor and council, unless liberated on 
bail. The commission consisted of the major-general acting, 
and the president of the Senate and the speaker of the House. 
They also passed a resolution directing that the selectmen 
and other town officers should take the oath of allegiance to 
the commonwealth. They also passed a bill reducing the 
number of terms of holding the com-ts of Common Pleas and 
General Sessions of the Peace, and a new bill reducing the al- 
lowances made to public officers. They appointed a committee 
to inquire into public grievances. The committee reported 
only very few : 

1st. That the interest on the public securities had not beeu 
promptly paid. 

2d. That the Treasurer had not been held under sufficient 
restrictions in drawing orders. 

3d. That the governor's salary was too high. 

The legislature passed a bill reducing the governor's salary 
to £800, and the governor objected that his salary of £1100 
was not sufficient, and that the legislature had no right to re- 
duce it ; that the governor ought not to be under the influence 
of the General Court ; that the Constitution provided that he 
should have a permanent and sufficient salary ; and the bill 
was lost. The same day, March 11th, the governor at the re- 
quest of both Houses adjourned them. In the recess of the 
legislature seven hundred and ninety persons were restored by 
the commission. Of those who were tried six were convicted 
of treason in Berkshire, six in Hampshire, one in Worcester,. 



PARDONING THE REBELS. 203 

and one in Middlesex, or fourteen in all. They were con- 1787 
demned to death. Besides this, many persons of prominence 
and some officers were convicted of using seditious words. 
One was a member of the House of Representatives. He was 
sentenced to sit on the gallows vnth. a rope around his neck, 
to pay a fine of £50, and was bound to keep the peace for five 
years. This sentence was carried out. Afterward the Com't, 
on April 30th, advised that only two in Hampshire and two in 
Berkshire should suifer death, but the sheriif was instructed 
not to open his orders until May 17th, when the}' were under 
the gallows. To the others the governor on April 30th granted 
a free pai'don. A reprieve was granted to those condemned 
to the 21st of June. After all these acts of clemency, in one 
of their predatory excursions on May 21st the rebels captured 
two citizens and held them as hostages for the lives of Parsons, 
Parmenter, and Henry McCUntock, who were under sentence 
of death for high treason. They thi'eatened to put these citi- 
zens to death if the sentence was executed. Both of the gentle- 
men afterward escaped. At the session of the legislature the 
governor reported that it was necessary to keep troops stationed 
in Hampshire and Berkshire counties until the rebellion was put 
down. The legislature voted a force of not more than eight 
hundred and not less than five hundred men for this purpose. 
They also passed resolutions pardoning all persons connected 
with the rebellion on theii- taking the oath before the 12tli of 
September, except nine who were named. It was evident that 
the rebellion had been put down, but some of the leaders went 
to Canada with the hope of obtaining aid to keep up the strife ; 
but in this they were not successful. They then determined 
to go to the polls, where they should have gone in the first 
instance. Each party used every means in its power to elect 
its candidates. The result of the elections was a complete 
surprise to every one. The conservative party, which had 
been the party of law and order and had supported the gov- 
ernment in all its acts, was defeated by a large majority, so 
that it seemed as if there had been a complete change in the 
pulilie sentiment in favor of the rioters. 



204 LIFE OF MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1787 The legislature was convened for the fonrtli time since the 
rebellion, on April 27thj on account of the death of the treas- 
urer of the State. Every one looked forward to the session 
with the greatest anxiety. Grovernor Bowdoin resigned, and 
Governor Hancock was elected in his place. It was found, 
when the legislature assembled, that not more than a quarter 
of the new members had been in previous legislatures, and 
that several of these had been implicated in the rebellion, 
some of them having been fugitives on account of acts of 
treason, and others haxing actually served a time in prison. 
It was supposed that they would at once grant a free pardon 
to all the rebels, but contrary to all expectations, the session 
took at once a conservative tone. They refused by a vote of 
129 to 94 to grant a general amnesty. On June 16tli they ex- 
tended the time of reprieve for the convicts to August 2d. 

On the 29th of June thanks were sent to the States who 
had aided the State of Massachusetts. The legislature then 
du'ected that after that date no further acts of clemency be 
granted to any found in arms against the State. It was found 
on examination that the resolution of pardon extended only to 
persons who had been guilty of treason ; another was there- 
fore introduced to include seditious practices. One party 
contended that the «ost of prosecution should be paid by the 
commonwealth, and another by the culprits. They passed as 
a compromise a resolution that no prosecution should be com- 
menced against any one for sedition or seditious practices 
until the end of the next session. This session ended on the 
7th of July. The continued reprieving of the convicts pre- 
vented the rebels outside of the State from committing further 
acts of rebellion and avoided a pretense for hostilities, and 
these reasons were stated in the warrants. 

A biU had been introduced into the General Com-t granting 
indemnity to the leaders of the rebellion, but so worded tliat 
any one against whom an indictment had been found did not 
come under its provisions. It consequently bore very severely 
on those who had been active in the commencement of the re- 
bellion but had early changed their minds and been loyal sup- 



PARDONING THE REBELS. 205 

porters of the government since then. In the general desire l 
for clemency, as these men had been forgotten, the amnesty 
was accorded to them, as shown by the letter to Governor 
Hancock dated Angust, 1787, WTitten by Mr. Van Schaack : 

" It is with a degree of satisfaction that I have it in my power to assure 
your Excellency that if the resolve of the 13th of June last had compre- 
hended persons under indictment for the smaller offenses [this resolve 
gave amnesty to the leaders of the rebellion], the inhabitants of Pittsfield 
would have been entirely satisfied. Major Oliver Root, Captain Daniel 
Sackett, Lieutenant Anson Noble, and Constable Moses Wood are of this 
class of men, and were among those who in the early stages of the insur- 
rection returned to a sense of their duty, and have ever since demeaned 
themselves as faithful citizens. They feel exceedingly chagi-ined that 
they should be under degrading disqualifications, while those who have 
committed high-handed offenses against the public have returned to the 
bosom of the country without punishment." 

On September 12th a pardon was granted to four of the 
convicts, and four were reprieved until the 20th. Of those 
confined in Berkshire two escaped and the other had his sen- 
tence commuted to hard labor for eleven years. On August 
12th quiet was so far restored that the number of men in arms 
was reduced to two hundred. On September 20th the gover- 
nor ordered them to be discharged. 

In extinguishing the last sparks of the rebellion against the 
authority of the commonwealth amongst the Berkshire Hills, 
General Paterson was as active as he had been efficient in the 
commencement of it. He was prompt, energetic, active, always 
on the alert and ready for every emergency. How efficient 
his service was and how highly it was appreciated is shown by 
the fact that when resolutions of inquiry implying a censure 
on some of his actions during the rebellion were presented in 
the House on the 5th of March, 1787, the Senate refused to 
concur.* 

It was shown that the general had not heard of the declara- 
tion of the rebellion made by the General Court on February 
4th, when he treated with Wiley, as he had been justified in 

* See Appendix F. 



lHI 



206 LIFE OF IVIAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON, 

1787 doing, not only on account of the orders which he had pre- 
viously received from General Lincoln, but also on account of 
the measures which had been passed in the G-eneral Coui't. 
It was several days after he treated with Wiley before he re- 
ceived news of the declaration of a rebellion, and when he did 
so treat with him it was done with every reserve that was 
necessary under the cu'cumstances and every caution that 
would be expected from a leader of his military ability. 

In February, 1788, Shays and Parsons humbly begged for 
pardon, which was granted on the 13th of June following, on 
condition that they, with those persons who were among the 
number who had been excepted in the indemnity of June 13, 
1787, should never accept or hold any office, either civil or 
military, under the commonwealth. 

John Hancock was elected governor of Massachusetts by the 
first vote of the State on September 4, 1780, and held the office 
until failing health compelled him to resign. During the win- 
ter of 1784-85 James Bowdoin succeeded him and was re- 
elected in 1786. He was governor during all the fii'st part of 
the rebellion, and it is owing largely to his determination, 
foresight, and wise policy that the rel)ellion was so quickly put 
down, and to his instructions to the commanding officers that 
there was so little blood shed. Wlien he resigned in April, 
1787, John Hancock succeeded him, and carried out the meas- 
ures initiated by Governor Bowdoin of bringing the rebels 
to justice, but so tempering justice with mercy that none of 
the leaders became troublesome afterward, and that their pun- 
ishment, while fully satisfying justice, was not so severe as to 
sour the rebels and their friends on account of the harshness 
of theii- treatment, for both governors recognized that these 
men were for the most part misguided, and that most of the 
privates were more sinned against than sinning. If the order 
had been reversed and Hancock had been the governor during 
the rebellion instead of afterward, it is doubtful whether it 
would have ended so happdy. It was one thing, however, to 
suppress the rebellion, but quite another to bring the disaf- 
fected people to again, cordially and unconditionally, support 



CAUSES OF THE REBELLION. 207 

the government. This John Hancock did. Only one sentence 1787 
was carried ont. Tliose condemned were either allowed to 
escape or were pardoned at the foot of the gallows as they 
went to what everybody supposed was their execution, this 
suffering ha\ang been judged am])ly sufficient. Order was re- 
stored, commerce revived. The laws were revised so as to 
fit the then condition of things. The State became prosper- 
ous, and has continued to remain so. 

The rebellion was a peculiar one, inasmuch as it did not 
originate in dissatisfaction toward any of the officers of the 
government or toward the government itself. It was more 
the impulse of a distressed people, loaded with burdens the 
reason for which they did not understand, to do something to 
rid themselves of their difficulties, which they could not ex- 
plain, but to overcome which they thought they must do some- 
thiiuj. It was as much the result of having no profitable em- 
ployment and of having too much time to taJTx over trouljles 
— with no other result than the excitement which the exagger- 
ation of the real evils which have to be borne always produces 
— as it was of the troubles themselves. Had there been fcAver 
meetings to protest against wi-ongs, the remedy for which they 
had in their own hands in the elections, and which could 
easily have been cured in a few months at least, there would 
have been no rebelHon. It was as much the result of injudi- 
cious tdlk as of real grievances. 

There was very great and general rejoicing when the rebell- 
ion was quelled. It had been put down by the decisive and 
vigorous action of the authorities, aided by the best people in 
the State. But for their vigorous action it might have ripened 
into a serious civil war, not only in Massachusetts but in the 
neighboring States. The men who accomplished it received but 
little thanks. The undercurrent of popular sympathy had all 
along been -with the rioters. People felt that their grievances 
were real, and while they did not uphold their unlawful ac- 
tions, they felt for the men. The men who had overcome the 
rebellion felt the weight of the popular odium which usually 
falls to the lot of those who are called on to execute justice 



208 LIFE OF HIAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1787 when the public sympathizes witli the offender. Such odium 
fell heavily on Governor Bowdoin and General Lincoln at the 
time, but both of them lived to be thoroughly appreciated 
after the lapse of sufficient time to allow matters to adjust 
themselves. The memories of all those who helped to put the 
rebellion down are now held in grateful appreciation, while 
their opponents have been forgotten. It now requu'es even 
research to revive the history of anything but the patriotism 
which these men who so ably defended the State showed dur- 
ing the whole of those perilous times. 

This period must be regarded as one of the most important 
in the history of the United States, for it brought the attention 
of the leading men in all of the States to the necessity of hav- 
ing a government much stronger than that which had been 
proposed, and it undoubtedly helped to cement the Union, 
which has been so prosperous since that time. The rebellion 
played an important part in the history of those times, for 
although open opposition was made in only one State, it showed 
that it was possible in all. We owe to Governor Bowdoin a 
great debt for carefully studying the causes of the rebellion 
and endeavoring to remedy them, and for his vigilance in see- 
ing that the leaders were ferreted out and that the misguided 
people were treated with proper but not too great leniency. 



CHAPTER IX. 

THE PURSUITS OF PEACE. 

After the rebellion was over, the legislature, by carefully 1789-1790 
prepared enactments, and the courts, by very wise decisions, 
ameliorated the evils as far as it wa.«; possible, and the people 
themselves, by mutual forbearauee, diminislied the troubles 
which previous harsh measures had made so grievous. Im- 
prisf)nmeut for debt ceased little by little to be the fashion, 
while laws amehorating the too harsh relations between debtor 
and creditor were passed. Tlie farmer saw that w^hatever else 
was true, his laud could not produce everything that he re- 
quired to work his farm, or even for his conveidence and 
comfort; that he must purchase certain articles, and that? 
although these things might be imported, they were not of 
necessity articles of luxury, and therefore a cause of demor- 
alization. 

Grievances were adjusted by proper com'se of law, and the 
State settled down quietl}* into a prosperity that it had never 
known, even in pre-Revolutionary times. Village hfe became 
a routine of every -day duties. The town meeting, which had 
been the safety-valve up to the time of the Re^^olutiou, re- 
sumed its functions, and peace and quiet reigned throughout 
the State. 

No one in w^estern Massachusetts was more prominent in 
bringing about the good-will and confidence and restoring 
order than General Paterson. Having been called as a sol- 
dier to put down the rebellion with the iron hand of war, he 
had been conversant with the dissatisfaction in every part of 
Berkshire County. He was thoroughly acquainted with the 
ideas of those who had real or fancied grievances. He was 

209 



210 LIFE OF JIAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1789-1790 by nature a leader of men. His long- military experience had 
made him thoroughly acquainted with the probable action of 
men in large masses. His practice as a lawyer and his judi- 
cial mind made men accept his well-matured opinions and fol- 
low his advice and counsel. 

The town of Lenox was then one of the most remote and 
inaccessible places in the State. The beauty of its scenery and 
the legends of the hills surrounding it have been described 
many times. The hills, ponds, and rivers were more attractive 
then than now, because more natural. The autmnn foliage was 
very beautiful before the maples, and trees of like character, 
which were then very abundant, had been cut off. 

When order was restored General Paterson resumed the 
practice of his profession, which had been interrupted dm-ing 
the Rebellion. Most public matters were talked over and well 
digested in his office before they were discussed in town meet- 
ing. As Lenox was the county town, the courts were held 
there, which made it the prominent business centei- of the 
county. The sessions of the courts brought lawyers and 
judges from all parts of the State, many of whom had been 
officers in the Revolutionary army or in Shays' Rebellion ; and 
for them, as well as for other prominent citizens, General Pat- 
erson's office was the general remJezrous. The reputation as a 
lawyer which he had gained from the legal opinions he had 
given in the many courts-martial over which he had either 
presided or been a member of, and his well-earned reputation 
for legal accuracy, had followed him into civil life. His time 
was divided between his practice in the coui'ts and his endeavor 
to induce his clients to settle their disputes outside of them. 

On August 11, 1785, his eldest daughter, Hannah, married 
Major Egleston, who had enlisted in his regiment in 1775 and 
had been on his staff during Shays' Rebellion. On January 3, 
1778, his eldest son, John Lee, married the eldest daughter of 
his old friend and comrade in arms, Caleb Hyde. 

Many families of Revolutionary officers had settled in Lenox 
and the neighboring towns after the war, and made a most 
agi'eeable society. They were intimately acquainted with one 



RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE. 211 

another, and marriages among them were frequent. They 1789-1790 
were for the most part very cultivated people, well read in 
the literature of the times, and familiar with all the great Eng- 
lish authors. Educational advantages were not then of a high 
order, but the people soon set themselves to right that. It 
took but a few years to lay the foundations which afterward 
made the town the gi-eatest educational center of Berkshire 
County, and for many years one of the most renowned in the 
State. 

The settlers of Massachusetts were a commercial company, 
■who came out to that colony for the purpose of trading with 
the Indians. They had their own ideas about religion, and 
were determined that they woidd have no " lords over God's 
heritage," but would have for themselves perfect liberty of 
conscience. That liberty of conscience, however, meant that 
every one shoidd think exactly as they did, nor depart from it 
in one jot or tittle. Toleration was not to be thought of, and 
no person was allowed to be a freeman or to vote who did not 
conform in every particular to what they laid do■\^^l as the rule 
of that conscience. If the differences were slight, punishment ' 
of some kind was visited until the individual should conform, 
I)ut the penalty for any considerable differences was })anish- 
ment. Their religious intolerance was far greater than that 
from which they had suffered at home. And so in the name of 
liberty they built up an absolute despotism, whose tp-anny was 
so great as to form one of the most curious instances of the 
kind in all history. What the conscience was to be was de- 
termined by the minister and his ad\dsers. If the minister 
was a powerful man intellectually, there was very little trouble ; 
if his advisers, who together with the minister were the keepers 
of the State conscience, were stronger than the minister, there 
was continual theological strife. The ministers were ordi- 
naril}' settled for a long period, many of them for life. "Wlien 
the minister was not settled, thev had what used to be called 
"stated preaching," which permitted the dismissing of the min- 
ister at any time. The State conscience as promulgated by 
authority was the established religion. It ruled the State, it 



212 LIFE OF ]MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1789-1790 dominated the courts, and no decision, if made contrary to 
what it dechired to be trne, could be enforced or would be tol- 
erated either by the legislature or bj^ the courts. To this estab- 
lishment people were admitted by " owning the covenant," and 
to it everybody, under all conditions, was pledged to pay taxes^ 
and no rights of freemen could be had without that " owning-- 
of the covenant." Berkshire County was so remote from the 
center of this rehgion, or the State establishment, as it reallj^ 
was, for the established religion of Massachusetts was not 
abolished until the year 1820, that it knew nothing by expe- 
rience of the rehgious tvranny of the early settlers of the col- 
ony. The people were more tolerant, and even admitted that 
differences of opinion were allowable. The " establishment," 
however, here as elsewhere, was the center of all intellectual 
Uf e, and around it all important events, whether in the political 
field or in the famil}^ turned. The first house in Lenox wa& 
buUt in 1750, but the town was not incorporated until 1767. It 
was not settled until the asperities of the State rehgion had 
become somewhat softened, and was so remote from the great 
centers that, like all frontiers, it was necessary, from the very 
condition of things, to relax somewhat from a very strict rule. 
People in those days went to " meeting " ; they did not go 
to " church." In colonial days nothing which savored of what 
was called prelacy was tolerated. Duiing the Revolution the 
members of the Church of England had been very generally 
loyal to the king. After the Revolution people did not make 
the distinction between the men and their principles. To be 
a member of the Chm-ch of England was to be disloyal. To 
worship as a churchman worshiped was to be papistical. They 
hated and abhorred both. Hence the ^'meeting-house," and 
not the " church," was the center of town life. In the early 
life of the colony the established religion and the state were 
spoken of as distinct organizations, but they were distinct 
more in name than in fact. But the "establishment" con- 
trolled everything, religious or political. Every one was taxed 
to support it, whether he believed in it or not. There were 
no civil rights without membership in it. The pilgrim fathers. 



KELIGIOUS IXTOLER.\XCE. 213 

suftVred everythiiio: to obtain their ovm lil^erty of conscience, 1789-1790 
but they were not willing that any one else should have any 
such freedom — they must agree with them. They did, in fact, 
what is often done— acquired their own liberty, and then in 
matters of belief refused it to any one else, except on condi- 
tion of accepting theii-s. It w^as not until 1820, when the re- 
vised constitution of the State went into effect, that a separa- 
tion of church and state took place, and every man became 
fi-ee to believe what he chose. In the early days they required 
confession, not to a priest, but to the whole congregation, but 
gave no absolution. This practice, from its inherent mischiev- 
ousness, had then, however, for many years fallen into disuse. 
The first day of the week was the Sabbath ; the name of 
Sunday w^as spurned, as l)eing of heathen origin. The prep- 
aration for the Sabbath always began on Saturday morning. 
Dinner for the next day was cooked and })laced in the butteiy 
on the north side of the house, to be eaten cold. Early in the 
morning Indian meal was put upon the fire to simmer, and was 
served as hasty-pudding or suppawn, for the evening meal of 
Saturday, and was put by to cool, and on the Sabbath morn- 
ing was fried and eaten with molasses for breakfast. The 
thoroughness of the cooking was such that the meal was 
healthy and nutritious, and it is still used in some parts of 
New^ England. The Sabbath commenced on Saturday even- 
ing, which Avas treated in every respect as part of the holy 
day. It ended, not at sundo\TO on the next day, but w^heii 
three stars could be seen in the sky, which would be some time 
after sundown; the day was then considered as over, after 
which any boisterous play could be indulged in by the chil- 
dren, out-of-doors. The time on Saturday after sundown was 
spent in learning or reciting the Westminster Catechism, or in 
reading such devotional books as the library of the house 
afforded. 

The " meeting-house " was the center of all the social life of 
the town. Those who lived in the village were but a smaU pro- 
portion of the members who had " joined the covenant." The " 
others lived in a radius from it which was often as great as six to 



214 LIFE OF :MAJ0R-GENERAL JOHN PATERSOX. 

1789-1790 ten miles. The " Sabbath " services in the meeting-house com- 
menced at half-past ten. Happy the congregation that did not 
get a sermon of at least an houi' or an hour and a half long. 
The discoiu'ses were often metaphysical rather than explana- 
tory ; they were imaginative, too, rather than practical. The}^ 
were divided into heads and subheads, and often ended with 
'* lastly," *' finally," and " in conclusion," so that it was no small 
feat of memory to be able to give with the text a synopsis of 
the discourse. The text was always demanded of the littlfe 
childi'en, and both text and synopsis were usually required of 
the older ones. The elders had to be able to correct any mis- 
takes, so that by constant practice it became a habit, both of 
old and young, not only to listen attentively, but to retain 
what they heard. This intellectual feat, which was then so 
common that it excited no remark, would now be considered 
as a dangerous experiment for childi'en ; but living in the open 
air, and accustomed to hard physical exercise as they were, it 
seems only to have made strong intellects instead of weak 
ones. It developed the habit of close attention over long 
periods, and a memory capable of acquii'ing a mass of details 
in a very short time and retaining them without gi*eat mental 
effort. It became by habit almost second nature. This edu- 
cation — for that it was — produced boy? and gu*ls who at the 
age of twelve years felt themselves capi ble of discussing the 
most abstruse theological questions, not always resulting in 
happiness to themselves. The people so schooled found little 
difficulty in memorizing the language of the Bible, with which 
they were very familiar, and also the ideas and the language 
of the best writers. It made quick, sharp, but not always 
happy men and women, intellectually the superiors of their 
descendants, but the model was not a lovely one. When the 
morning meeting Avas over the "intermission" followed, which 
was looked forward to, each week, as the great event. Those 
who came from a distance in winter brought their foot-stoves 
and their dinner, and ate it in the meeting-house, which then 
became a place of social reunion, until the time of the ''after- 
noon meeting." The young formed groups by themselves, and 



THE INTERMISSION. 213 

talked together of what interested tliein. The men discussed 1789-1790 
the crop prospects, and interchanged views on subjects relig- 
ious, political, or social. The goodwives gossiped to their 
hearts' content over their affairs, and by the time the " after- 
noon meeting " was to commence they had talked themselves, 
one and all. •' into a frame of mind " to hsten to another ser- 
mon an hour to an hour and a half long. Habit incapacitated 
them from thinking of anything else. In the summer, dm-ing 
the intermission the young people went into the graveyard, or 
on to the Ledge or Pinnacle for a walk ; the very young ones 
remained in the graveyard, which was next the meeting-house, 
and i)layed among the gi-avestones without noise. The grave- 
yard was -hired out" to the highest bidder amnuxlly for past- 
urage, and in their play they had to be careful not to run 
against some horse, i)ig, sheep, cow, or calf, which had the legal 
right there. Brambles were the rule there, and they had to be 
careful not to tear their clothes on them. Their play was very 
quiet. It was the only condition of theii- being out-of-doors. 
No demonstrative play was allowed on the Sabbath until three 
stars could be distinctly seen. When the " afternoon discourse " 
was finished, those who came from a distance went back to their 
homes. For those in the village there was a prayer-meeting 
at five, which ended the religious ser\dces of the day. 

The churchyard and the walks near it were the delightful 
resorts of both young and old. The sometimes quaint inscrip- 
tions on the gravestones were read over and over again. They 
never lost their interest, though they were learned by heart 
from constant reading. The view from the churchyard, which 
must remain beautiful for all time, Avas ever fresh. It was 
even more beautiful then than now, though still one of the 
most attractive in the town. Our ancestors had brought with 
them from England a most beautiful and devotional custom 
of burying then- dead with their feet to the east, so that when 
our blessed Lord appeared on the resm-rection morning there 
should be no backs turned toward Him, but all should rise to 
face Him when he appeared in His glory. Puritanism never 
did away with the custom, and it is only within comparatively 



216 LIFE OF MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1789-1790 recent years, since " improvements " and " higher criticism " 
have undermined the spiritual, that this devout and l>eautiful 
custom has been done away with. 

The social life was very simple. There w^re Uterary gath- 
erings for the reading or recitation of selections from the best 
authors. As books were few, scrap-books were plenty. Some 
of them, beautifully written, with original pieces as well as 
selections, are still in good preservation. Young people com- 
peted with one another in committing to memory long ex- 
tracts from the best English literature. The community were 
as familiar with Shakespeare as with the Bible. Such an edu- 
cation could not fail to produce a high poHsh of style, though 
to us it seems somewhat stilted. 

The postal facilities w^ere small. Letters were long, but 
thej^ read more like essays prepared for a magazine than the 
extemporized efforts of an hour. Men addressed their parents 
and wives, and lovers their sweethearts, in language that was 
in the most stilted style of EngUsh, wliich, though it doubtless 
expressed to them all that the heart could desire of duty, af- 
fection, or love, seems to us as we read it now not to be hkely 
to excite any such emotions. 

Music was cultivated everj'where. t ich town had its sing- 
ing-school and its singing-master. Young peoj)le came to- 
gether to learn to sing by note and to cultivate their voices. 
Serenades were vei-y frequent ; they were both vocal and in- 
strumental. Open-air performances were quite common. Some 
of the more musically ambitious would on summer evenings 
go to what was then called " the grove," a small clump of trees 
near the foot of the Court-house HiU, and when the wind was 
toward the town, climb the trees and discourse sweet music 
from them, which could be distinctly heard in the town. It 
was snnple, good, whole-souled, and uatiu'al, and gave a pleas- 
ure which we, accustomed to what is more artificial, can hardly 
imagine. But the great musical organization was the village 
choir. Sometimes it was more ambitious than successful, but 
it always "praised God, from whom all blessings flow," with 
the heart, though the fiddle or the bass-viol bow did some- 



THE VILLAGE CHOIR. 217 

times make discordant sounds. The leader of the choir was 1789-1790 
an important man, but the most important in his own estima- 
tion, then as now, was the man with the bass viol. Organs 
were not known, and the chou-, usually a large one, composed 
of almost every one in the village who had a good voice, was 
accompanied by such musical instrimients as the village could 
furnish, the number depending not so much on the balancing 
of the music as the number of persons who could play the 
flute, fife, clarionet, or stringed instrument. Brass instru- 
ments were rarely seen. The singing was usually good. It 
was almost without exception congregational, or at least all 
the congregation joined in it. How ambitious it was depended 
on a variety of circumstances, and among these, what the choir- 
master thought they coidd perform, and what the minister 
would allow. This kind of choir has ahnost entireh' passed 
away in New England, except, perhaps, in towns remote from 
railroads, and has l)een replaced by much more artificial 
methods. The people now want "culture" in music as in 
everything else, but it is doubtful whether they " praise God " 
as well, certain!}' not so much from the heart, as when every 
<me had the opportunity of helping in that praise. No such 
thing as devotional music confined to the choir, in which the 
<;ongregatiou had no part except to listen, was known. 

The amusements for the young were about the same then 
as now. " The one-horse shaj' " and the gig with C spi'ings 
have long passed into histor}'. Many a happy drive was taken 
in these vehicles. It is doubtful whether the long journeys 
into the other parts of the county or into neighboring coun- 
ties or States, though made in less time, are now made any 
more comfortal^. Every saddle had its "pillion." It was 
hard for the horse, but dehghtf ul for the young people, who 
" for the sake of the horse " could go as few miles in as many 
hours as was pleasing for them. When the journey was to 
be long, the saddle-bags, which contained everything, from a 
change of clothes and refreshment for the journey to part of 
a farrier's outfit, was an important adjunct. 

The games of the boys were very much then what they are 



218 LIFE OF 31AJ0R-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1789-1790 now in smnnier, except that base-ball was a simple game of 
real enjoyment, and that in foot-ball, the ball was actually 
kicked, and not moved in any other wsiy. The old game of 
wicket, which for years was so very popular, seems to have 
died out entirely. The town had three ponds, they call them 
lakes now. Little Pond, in the town itself. Big Pond, on the 
Stockbridge road, and Scott's pond, on the road to Lee. Be- 
sides these, the swamp on the west side of the town was 
always overflowed and frozen in winter. These ponds gave 
abundant fishing for pickerel and other fresh-water fish, 
which were caught through the ice in winter and from row- 
boats in the simimer. There was plenty of game of all kinds 
in their season. In the winter sleigh-riding was the principal 
amusement of both old and 3'oung, and " sliding down-hill " 
the joy of the children. It is called " coasting "' now, and is a 
much less natural and healthful amusement. Sleds were not 
to be bought; they were made. The one with the greatest 
speed gave the greatest joy. The Court-house Hill and the 
Meeting-house Hill were full of boys and girls on proper 
daj'S, enjoying this exhilarating auc healthful sport. But 
there were drifts and snow-crusts which would not bear the 
runners of the sleds, and for them " the jumper," the pride of 
the boy who could make it, was used. It consisted of two 
flour-barrel staves nailed on to a piece of board, and a string 
fastened to a nail to hold it by. It could be supported on a 
very thin crust, but if there was any projection the jumper, as 
it was not more than three inches high, would be sure to catch. 
it, when it would remain behind, and the boj' with his acquii-ed 
velocity would shoot on, to his intense joy, until friction or 
some other obstacle stopped him, and then he would have to 
run, to his heart's delight, to catch his jumper, which, released 
from its burden, would speed on before him. 

The village life was healtliful and natural. The houses 
had open fii-eplaces ; the dram stove had not been invented. 
Wood was used exclusively for fuel. There was plenty of 
ventilation, no over-heated air ; for even when the windows 
were stuffed with cotton or covered with sand-bags, and the 



MUSTER-DAY. 219 

fiivplaees in the bedrooms filled up, air would come in. The 17sl)-i790 
life was out-of-doors, and so our ancestors grew up in the New 
Enjiland villag:es, men and women ready to grajjple with the 
ills, and fully prepared to enjoy the g-ood thing's, of this life. 

The domestic life was of the simplest description. Families 
were self-dependent ; while the men worked the farm or looked 
after their out-door affairs, the w^omen not only attended to 
their ordinary household duties, but knit, spun, and wove into 
fabrics such homespun articles as were necessary for the family 
use. It seems wonderful that the^^ were able to do so much ; 
but they systematized theii* time, and were never idle when 
weU. As their life was so natui*al theii* health was strong', 
and nervous diseases were not common. With all their house- 
hold duties and work they never forgot to cultivate and main- 
tain that gi'ace which characterizes ladies. The evenings were 
spent in some kind of recreation, wliich was usually of an in- 
tellectual chai'acter. Great beauty, both of face and character, 
was not uncommon, as is shown by some of the miniatures 
which have come down to us. Foremost among them were 
Mrs. Paterson, her daughters, and granddaughters. 

Military matters were not neglected. General Paterson took 
the liveUest interest in the organization of companies in the 
villages and of regiments by the union of companies. He 
saw" that they were properly uniformed and di'iUed. He 
inspired the soldiers not only with proper military spirit, but 
with patriotic ardor. He endeavored to maintain discipline 
among them just as much as if each regiment might be 
called in the afternoon to march into action at sunrise the 
next morning, as his OAvn regiment had done. Muster-day 
was the great day of the year, and to pi-epare for it the young 
men "trained" weekly during the spring, summer, and faU, 
the mothers, wives, sisters, and sweethearts doing their best 
to have the young men they were interested in have as impos- 
ing an appearance as possible. Every young man in the to^A-n 
old enough to bear arms joined a company and drilled on the 
%'illage green preparatory to the " muster," which was made to 
be as much like a real camp as possible. Fires were hghted. 



220 LIFE OF 1NLA.J0R-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1789-1790 sentinels posted, watchwords were given, and all things con- 
dncted as though the enemy was near and an attack was liable 
to be made at any time. Alarms were given at all times of 
day and night, and for the time of the muster it looked like 
real war. Most of the officers had seen service, and those who 
had not were never tired of hearing, over the camp-ftres, of 
'^ how we beat the British." Patriotic songs were sung, and 
the principles of true heroism were imbibed by the young 
men by hearing over their camp-fires on these occasions the 
story of the sacrifices made by the Revolutionary army, how 
they fought to redi*ess wrongs, and of the feats of bravery of 
men then living, and perhaps in camp with them. No oppor- 
tunity was lost of inculcating on the young men the duty of 
each one to defend his country in times of danger, and never 
to submit to oppression lest they should lose the right to be 
freemen. Patriotism was taught to be the noblest of ci\dc 
virtues. The onlj' music at these '' musters " was the fife and 
the di'um, to the notes of which the old men would straighten 
up and march like young ones, and the younger men would 
put all the military fii'e in their faces and steps that they were 
capable of, and look for the smiling admu-ation of their ladies. 
The fathers talked the battles over Ijefore the children, who 
listened with eager ears, and, not to be behind their elders, or- 
ganized companies wath paper hats and epaulets, with wooden 
swords and guns, and such accouterments as their mothers' 
store-chests could furnish, and marched with such precision 
as they could. They had many a pitched battle with one 
another, taking sides, in which the British were, by common 
consent, beaten ; and when they were not, there were storms 
of words, and " No fair play ! " and " I won't play any more." 
It was a foregone conclusion that the British must be beaten, 
and if they were not, there could be no fair play in it. The 
great ambition of every boy was to become old enough to put 
on a real uniform and to be a soldier. The boys were not 
less patriotic than the men, and formed no small part of the 
admiring and appreciating crowd which assembled on the 
muster-days. Wlien they were angry with one anothei" their 



THE '-BOSTON PURCHASE." 221 

most opprobrious epithet was to call one another '' a redcoat,'' 1791 
in allusion to the hated British uniform, or "a Hessian," which 
meant a menial hii-ed to do dirty work. So the next genera- 
tion grew up, patriotic, dearly lo\'ing their country, sure that 
they had rights, certain of what they were, and ready to de- 
fend them, as they afterward did in the War of 1812. This 
spirit never died out. It looked for some years before the late 
War of the Rebellion as if it had become dormant, but when 
the call came for volunteers to defend the nation, Berkshire 
County in general, and Lenox in particidar, were quick to obey 
the call. Lenox has its heroes of the Revolution, of the War 
of 1812, and of the Rebellion. 

General Paterson had come to Lenox with three little chil- 
dren, one son and two daughters. Four other children, one 
boy and three girls, had been born to him there, and one of 
the daughters had died in infancy. His daughter Polly, a 
beautiful and accomplished girl, had died at the age of seven- 
teen. His family now^ consisted of two sons and thi'ee daugh- 
ters. Mrs. Paterson was in every respect a very remarkable 
woman, and weU suited to be the head of liis household under 
all the various conditions of his life. 

In the year 1790 General Paterson became one of the pro- 
prietors of the " Boston Purchase," w^hich consisted of 230,400 
acres in Broome and Tioga counties, New York. This prop- 
erty was west of the Chenango River and Owego Creek. It 
extended twenty miles north of the Susquehanna River. He 
therefore decided, in 1791, to remove from Lenox with his 
family to Broome County, in company with his wife's parents. 
General Hyde, of Lenox, whose daughter Clarissa had married 
General Paterson's eldest son, followed him in a very short 
time. Before lea\dng Lenox he transferred the house sit- 
uated on jNIain Street, on the crest of the Court-house HiU, 
which he had built when he first settled in that town, to his 
daughter, Mrs. Egleston. The journey to Broome County was 
long and tedious and exceedingly difficult. It was made by pass- 
ing through Catsldll to Bainbridge on the Susquehanna River, 
where they took boats and descended the river to the present 



222 LIFE OF IMAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1791 site of Bing-hamton, thence up the Chenango and Tionghinoga 
rivers, to the forks of the latter and the OtseUe rivers, to 
Lisle,* now known as Whitney's Point, in the township of Tri- 
angle, where they were the first, or among the first, settlers in 
the town. The place where he built his house was for a long 
time known as " Paterson's Settlement." The first religious 
service in the town was held in his house. There was but one 
school each winter. The teachers were selected from the fam- 
ilies settled in the town. One of General Paterson's sons was 
the second teacher of the village school. General Paterson 
was the peer of the ablest in the surrounding country, and was 
at once called to public service. He was made commissioner 
of highways for the town of Union, then in Tioga County, in 
1792. He was elected assessor in the same year. In the year 
1791 that part of Montgomery County which is now embraced 
in the counties of Broome, Tioga, and Chemung was set off 
as a county under the name of Tioga County. General Pater- 
son was the first judge and the first representative to the State 
legislature from the new county. He represented Tioga County 
for two years — 1792, 1793 — in the New York State legislature. 
During that session he was member of the Standing Commit- 
tee on Grievances and of many of the temporary commit- 
tees to which matters of importance were referred during the 
session. Among these were those relating to the internal 
improvements of the State, to military matters, especially to 
making the law of the State relating to the militia conform to 
the law of the United States; for the regulation of the elec- 
tions for the State and United States officers ; for the arrange- 
ment of the division of counties ; for the formation and set- 
ting of the boundaries of new counties ; for the improvement 
of internal navigation ; for regulating the administration of 
the courts of justice ; for making new roads in difi'erent 
parts of the State ; for arranging in relation to bounties of 
land granted to soldiers of the Revolutionary War; for 

* The town of Lisle as originally laid out included the present town- 
ships of Lisle, Baker, and Triangle. Whitney's Point is a village in the 
township of Triangle. 



GENERAL PATERSOX IN CONGRESS. 223 

the vesting of glebe lands in the legal authorities of the dif- 1794-1806 
fereut churches. There were not as many committees in those 
days as now in the legislature, the entire number at this ses- 
sion being fom\ Matters were referred to special rather than 
to general committees. General Paterson was also very efifi- 
cient in securing the services of proper persons for both civil 
and military offices and seeing that the qualifications of those 
recommended were exactly what they should be. He was 
elected a trustee of Oxford Academy on January 27, 1794. In 
179G he was made assessor and commissioner of schools. On 
March 27, 1798, he was appointed to the bench and was chief- 
justice of the county of Tioga. He was in 1801 a member of 
the convention called to amend the constitution of the State 
of New York. 

General Paterson was elected to the United States Congress 
in 1802 from Tioga County, and served from October 7, 1803, 
nntil March 3, 1805. In Congress he was the same active, 
untiring, efficient man that he had been duriug the war. 
He was a member of some of the most important committees 
of the House, supporting and defending the claims of the Rev- 
olutionary soldiers, endeavoring to put the currency of the 
country on a sound financial basis, studying and advocating 
the best way to establish and regulate the mints and the coin- 
age of the country, looking after the construction of the pubUc 
buildings, arranging treaties with other countries, and trying 
to throw some order into the commercial affairs of the nation 
by the passing of a proper bankruptcy law, and to do away 
with imprisonment for de])t. He was always looking after 
the interest of the soldiei-s, and he never foi-got that the coun- 
try he had served so long, Ijoth l)efore and during the war, 
needed the best ser\dce that he could render after the war, 
and he rendered it as only a patiiot of his con\'ictions and 
abihty could. Upon retiiing from Congress he returned to 
Ms duties on the bench. 

On April 2, 1806, the county of Broome was set off from 
Tioga County. On May 13, 180G, he was made chief-justice of 
Broome County, his term of ser\dce ending with his life. The 



22-4 LIFE OF 3IAJ0R-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1806 district has since been divided into several counties. There 
were but few public conveyances in those days, and he and 
General Erastus Root, afterward Lieutenant-Governor of New 
York, representing the Delaware district, which, with the Tioga 
district, then composed nearly one third of the State, used to 
meet at the great bend on the Susquehanna and go through 
the woods as far as Hai-risburg on their way to Congress, and 
make the most of the journey to Washington on horseback. 

General Paterson was six feet one and a haK inches in 
height, and well proportioned, of graceful carriage and com- 
manding mien. He was a nervous, quick, active man, and a 
gi-eat pedestrian. While county judge, he would often walk 
eighteen miles to Binghamton to hold his court, rather than 
go to the field and catch a horse to ride. While in the army 
he excelled as a drill officer. He was diffident, retiring in 
habits, never putting himself forward or importuning for 
place. Duty was fii'st with him, and whether he received 
censure or praise for doing it, it always had the force of 
law with him. In all his relations he maintained the strict- 
est interpretation of probity and honor, and he never forgot 
that he was a gentleman. He was a man of varied accom- 
plishments, of great scholarly attainments, was prominent 
as a lawyer, an eminent and an upright judge, was much re- 
spected as a useful and worthy citizen, always alive to his own 
duty while seeking to help others, and he consequently held 
many offices of trust. He was as just as a judge as he had 
been active and efficient as an army officer. Although a very 
large land-holder. General Paterson never became wealthy in 
his new home, but he was revered by his neighbors and looked 
up to as well qualified both to advise and lead in pubhc mat- 
ters. The historian of New Britain, Connecticut, from which 
locality he removed to Lenox, says that, "judging from the 
honorable offices bestowed on General Paterson, he was in 
these respects the most distinguished man ever reared there." 
Those who knew General Paterson well, some of whom were 
with him in the army, say that history might truly set forth 
his merits in a very strong light as an accomplished gentle- 




•ORN tr44. OIIB 4\tVf l», l«0«, 

HC ORADUATI& AT YALI COLlSet IH t7«a,RtPR($tHTI 

LENOX tM THE M)OyimiAI.C0NeKi:S$ OF irr4 «• l7TS,nAt1 

A RteiMtNT ON Hl» R8T««H IN IT7&,&HD WAS ONt Or TMI 

FIRiT IN THI riJlO WITH IT AFTSft THt BATTUI Of ».IXI»«1| 

HI CROSSSO THE OtUWARt WITH WA8HIN6T0H 0tCS5,«1 

AND NARftOWLY t&CAPtO Ot ATH AT SARATOOft.HC WAS AT 1 

OOMNCIUOr MONMOUTH IN ITT«,A«0 rtlWHT IN MOST OF 

BATTU16 OF THS RSV0LUTI0N,«»VIH6 OUMNCTHI WHOUj 

WAR, AMD WAS OHI OF THI FOUHMR* OF THI MCUTY OF TKf 

CIHCIHNATI, HIS lOVt OF COUNTRY WAt UNBOUNOID HIS 

PATRIOTISM UNFIINCHIHC AHO HIS PUBtlC SRIRtT UNTIRW 

IN QRATlTUBi; FOR HIS SIRVIOSS TO Hit COUNTRY AHB IH 

RICfiCNirtON Of HIS YIRTUIS THIS TAtLIT IS tRtOTIG) 

»Y Hil QRAHOtON, 

THOMAS EGil.£STON. 




1EM0RIAL TABLET IN TRINITY CHURCH, LENOX, MASS. 



GENERAL PATERSON'S CHILDREN. 225 

man, a great soldier, a thorough patriot, an eminent lawyer, 1792 
and a jnst jndge. 

General Paterson had seven children, three of whom were 
born in Farmington, Couneeticnt, and four in Lenox, Mas- 
saelmsetts. He died at Lisle, New York, July 19, 1808, aged 
sixty-four. A monumental tablet to his memory, shown oppo- 
site, was erected in Trinity Church in Lenox by his great- 
grandson, Thomas Egleston, in 1887. 

CHILDREN. 

General Paterson had two sons and five daughters. 

(1) Josiah Lee Paterson. 

He was born in Farmington, Conn., October 11, 1766. On 
January 3, 1788, he married in Lenox Clarissa Hyde, eldest 
daughter of General Caleb * and Elizabeth (Sackett) Hyde. She 
was born in Lebanon, Conn., April 27, 1767. They went to 
Lisle with General Paterson. Her father followed shortly 
after. They lived there until 1813, when they removed to 
Monroe County, N. Y. They settled first at Ogden, and after- 
ward removed to Parma, Monroe County, N. Y. She died in 
Parma, April 16, 1837. He died there March 12, 1846. They 
had nine children, four daughters and five sons. 

(2) Hannah Paterson. 

She was born in Farmington, August 24, 1769, and married 
in Lenox, August 11, 1785, to Azariah Egleston, who was born 
in Sheffield, Mass., February 23, 1757, and was the son of Seth 
and Rachel (Church) Egleston. He with his three brothers 

* General Hyde was bom in Farmington, Conn., July 29, 1739. In 
1761 he married Elizabeth Sackett, who was born November 22, 1742. 
They settled in Lenox in 1769. He was very active in remonstrating 
against and in opposing British aggressions. When General Paterson 
took the field he was sent from Lenox to the Third Provincial Congress 
at Watertown as his successor. During the Revolutionary War he was a 
captain, and after it was over was made sheriff of Berkshire County. He 
served in this capacity during Shays' Rebellion. He removed to Lisle 



22G LIFE OF IVIAJOK- GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1792 enlisted at Pittsfield iu General Paterson's regiment, and was 
with him during the whole war, and afterward in Shays' Rebell- 
ion, After the war they settled in Lenox, and when General 
Paterson left there he transferred to Mrs. Egieston the house 
which he had built and had occupied with his family, which is 
now owned by his great-grandson, Thomas Egieston, of New 
York. He left the army as paymaster of the First Massachu- 
setts regiment, with the line rank of lieutenant and the staff 
rank of major. After the war he was several times appointed 
major in the Massachusetts militia. He was made justice of 
the peace in Lenox in the year 1787, and held the office con- 
tinually until 1815. He was elected representative to the Gen- 
eral Court (House of Representatives) in 1796, 1797, 1798, and 
1799, and was State senator iu 1807, 1808, and 1809. In 1808 
he was made associate justice of the Court of Sessions, which 
office he held until 1815. Egieston SqiTare in Roxbury, near 
Boston, is named after him. He was a liberal patron of educa- 
tion. He founded the Lenox Academy, which for many years 
was the prominent educational institution in western Mas- 
sachusetts. He organized the parish of Trinity Church in 
Lenox, and helped to educate its first rector and to have him 
ordained in England. He was noted through the State for 
his hospitality, liberality, and public spirit and benevolence. 
Mrs. Egieston died January 21, 1803. He died January 12, 
1822.* They had seven children, five daughters and two sons. 

(3) PoUy Paterson. 

She was born in Farmington in 1773, and died in Lenox 
August 19, 1790. She was one of the most beautiful and ac- 
complished young ladies of her day. She died at the age of 

shortly after General Paterson, and was always very intimate with his 
family both at Lenox and Lisle. After his removal to New York State 
he was elected major-general of the State Militia. He was senator at 
Albany in 1803. His wife died at Lisle, January 6, 1806. He died at 
Lisle, December 25, 1820. 

* A biographical notice of Major Egieston was published in the New 
York Genealogical and Biogra])Mcal Record, July, 1892. 



GENERAL PATERSOX S CHILDREN. 227 

seventeen years, and is interred in the Lenox cemetery, next 1792 
to the remains of her sister, Mrs. Egleston. 

(4) Ruth Pater son. 

She was bom in Lenox, August 6, 1774 ; she was married in 
Lenox, November 14, 1797, to Ira Seymom-, who was born in 
Richmond, Mass., March 18, 1776, the son of David and Lucy 
(Alvord) Seymour. She died at Whitney's Point, February 10, 
1842. He died in Schuyler County, lU., September 29, 1866. 
They had nine children, six daughters and three sons. 

(5) Betsy Pater son. 
Born in Lenox in 1784, and died in infancy. 

(6) John Peirce Paterson. 

He was born in Lenox, May 5, 1787. He mamed at Lisle, 
July 22, 1809, Sally Osborne, who was born in Richmond, 
Mass., July 22, 1786, the daughter of William and Dorcas 
Osborne. They removed to Ogden, near Rochester, N. Y., in 
1812, and lived there until 1840, when they removed to Illinois. 
He died in Peoria County, lU., on the La Salle Prairie, fifteen 
miles north of Peoria City, June 3, 1842. She died in Birm- 
ingham, Schuyler County, III, in May, 1847. Wliile in Og- 
den he was sheriff of the county and member of the legisla- 
ture, and a presidential elector. They had one son and one 
daughter. 

(7) Maria Paterson. 

She was born in Lenox, February 9, 1790. She was mar- 
ried at Lisle, April 10, 1808, to Samuel Kilborn, who was born 
in Litchfield, Conn., November 27, 1783, son of DaWd and 
Deidama Kilborn. They lived in Spencerport, Monroe County, 
N. Y. He died January 31, 1862. She died April 23, 1865, 
at Ogden, N. Y. They had nine children, five sons and four 
daughters. 

(For a list of General Paterson's descendants, see Appen- 
dix H.) 



228 LIFE OF jMAJOR-GENERAL, JOHN PATERSON. 

1792 General Patersoii died very suddenly in the vigor of man- 
hood and in the pursuit of duty, and with a profound love to 
the country he so ably defended. From the year 1766, when he 
was made justice of the peace in Farming-ton, to the day of his. 
* death, he always filled some important public position, and in 
each one of the three States in which he lived he was invariably 
a leading spirit. He was everywhere trusted in whatever capac- 
ity he acted, and honored by his countrymen with whatever posi- 
tions they had to bestow. He was not a politician, but an hon- 
est, able, generous, and high-minded citizen. Wlien not en- 
gaged in a military capacity he was always active in civic 
positions ; but public work never made him forget private 
duties. He was as good a husband and father as he had been 
conscientious in the discharge of public duties. He was buried 
at Lisle, and no monument of any kind, except a smaU head- 
stone, had, up to 1892, ever been placed over his remains. His 
wife died on July 8, 1841, at Spencerport, N. Y., at the home 
of her youngest daughter, Mrs. Maria Kilborn, at the age of 
ninety-two years, from dropsy, produced by fractui'e of the 
head of the femur, and was buried in the cemetery there. In 
her own sphere she was as remarkable as her husband. She 
not only brought up her family well, but she graced every 
position to which her husband was caUed, and always stood 
at his right hand to help him carry out any of his plans. For 
fifty-one years they were separated in death, as they never 
had been in life. In May, 1892, his remains and those of 
his wife, which had been buried at some distance from him, 
were reinterred with appropriate ceremonies in the cemetery 
at Lenox, beside their two daughters, and a monument of 
polished Quincy granite erected in the town, opposite to liis 
house, and beautiful headstones put up in the cemetery by 
Thomas Egleston.* He was among the foremost of the Revo- 
lutionary patriots and soldiers of Massachusetts. Lieutenant- 
Governor Rockwell, in speaking of him in his oration at the 
Centennial in Lenox, says that *' in preparing this oration, and 

* For a full account of the unveiling ceremonies see Appendix H. 



GENERAL PATERSON'S SER^^CES. 229 

examining as far as possible into the life of General Paterson, 1792 
I feel impressed that he had been a most important aid and 
adviser to Washinglon, and was in every way qnalified to 
take the place of his chief in case of emergency." He was 
one of the most efficient of the Revolutionary officers, and one 
of the most trusted officers of Washington to the end of the 
war. Very few of Washington's officers coidd show such a 
record as his * during his activity, and when his post of duty 
became the " hated Highlands," he served liis country in the 
tedious duty of watching the enemy with as much zeal and 
fidelity as if he had had all the excitement of an active cam- 
paign. The onh' public memorials of him were, up to 1892, 
in one of the five tablets surrounding the base of the monu- 
ment in commemoration of the battle of Monmouth in Free- 
hold, in the State of New Jersey (see p. 106), where he is 
represented as taking an active part in the council of war, 
and the tablet erected in 1887 in Trinity Church, Lenox.t 

The Hon. Thomas J. Paterson, of Rochester, N. Y., General 
Paterson's gi-andson, in a letter dated July 6, 1878, apologiz- 
ing for the neglect of General Paterson's memory, says : " You 
say truly it is singular that cliildren are so neglectful in keep- 
ing records of even distinguislied ancestors. Yet it should be 
recollected that we are all sovereigns, and, in our estimation, 
peers of the l)est of them, and venerate in consequence of this, 
much less than other people, our ancestors. Eveiything is new 
with us, and soon fades and passes away. We have no an- 
cestral halls, hung around with armorial bearings, to awaken 
recollections of an honored ancestry and strengthen love of 
counti*}', or temples devoted to the service of the ever-living 
God, moss-grown and ivied, where the son has worshiped in 
the place of the father from generation to generation, which 
are fast anchors. We are a wandering people. The sun that 
lights up our birth scarcely shines upon the land of our rest. 
We pause for a moment at the tomb of our ancestors and 
pay a tributary tear, then pass forgetfully away. Our Amer- 
ican ship of state may have to ride for many generations over 

* See Appendix G. t See page 225. 



230 LIFE OF MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON, 

1792 boisterous seas without these anchors, yet it is to be hoped 
the vii'tue and intelligence of the people will prevent the ship- 
wreck of liberty." 

General Paterson was a tii'eless and undaunted patriot, 
never for a moment losing heart in the cause of American in- 
dependence, sharing with his soldiers in suifering and priva- 
tion " without mui*mm"ing " all that his country was called 
upon to endure in the cause of liberty from the beginning to 
the close of the war. No man in New England was more 
actively engaged in bringing about the American Revolution 
and carrying it to a successful conclusion than he was, and 
very few officers were more closely identified with the cause 
of American independence.* He served the country continu- 
ously during the eight years and a half of the War of the 
Revolution, although it cost him the sacrifice of most of his 
fortune. He thought, after the trial of Andre, that he should 
be obliged to surrender his commission on that account, as he 
had expended so much of his property in the cause of inde- 
pendence. Greneral Washington was intimate with him, and 
respected him as a patriot on whom both his commander-in- 
chief and his country could rely. He was one of the greatest 
heroes which Berkshire County has produced. 

Governor Rockwell, in his eloquent Centennial Celebration 
address at Lenox, July 4, 1876, speaks of General Paterson 
as follows : " The regiment was concerned in the capture of 
Burgoyne at Saratoga in October, 1777. When the regiment 
arrived at Newtown it had only 220 men, but, fellow-citizens, 
this was the fate of most of the early regiments, and herein 
consists the great merit of those officers and men. They 
suffered, sickened, and died that we might live in America 
under American government, its power limited and its officers 
elected by the people, under the best government, beyond 
aU question, upon the face of the earth. ... It may fairly be 
claimed that General Paterson was among the very foremost 
of the soldiers of Berkshire. If he had died in Lenox, it would 
have been resolved that he was worthy a public monument, 

* See Appendix G. 



CHARACTER OF GENERAL PATERSOX. 231 

and that subject is worthy of consideration now (1876)." '' The 1808 
United States," saj'S Webster, " commenced their existence 
under circumstances wholly novel and unexampled in the his- 
tory of nations. They began with civilization, with learning, 
with all that was then known of science, with the constitution 
of a free government, and with that best gift of God to man, 
the Christian i-eligion. Their population is now equal to that 
of England. In arts and sciences our citizens are little behind 
the most enlightened people on earth. In some respects they 
have no superiors. Our language, witliin two centuries, will 
be spoken by more people in this country than any other lan- 
guage on earth, except the Chinese in Asia. Even that may 
not be an exception."* This is the direct result of the sacri- 
fices of those Revolutionary heroes. 

Speaking of the early history of this country, Gladstone 
says: "Whenever a youth desirous of the study of political 
life consults me respecting a study in the field of history, I 
always refer him to the early histoiy^ of America. Then- sys- 
tem of government combined that love of freedom, respect for 
law, and desire for order which formed the surest element of 
national excellence." t General Paterson had much to do not 
only with the defense of the country, but also with establish- 
ing the laws on a proper basis after independence was gained. 
He had always been on the side of law. As a citizen he up- 
held it, as a general he enforced it, as a lawyer he defended it, 
as a judge he interpreted it. As a legislator he bent his ener- 
gies to have the law so formed as to give equal justice to all. 
His influence and example were always so used as to make 
obedience to just laws seem to every one the first duty of a 
good citizen. As a reviser of the State constitution he laid 
the foundations so broad that without a determined perversion 
of justice the law must be righteously administered. 

It is impossible to study the history of the American Revo- 
lution and the very perilous times between the end of the war 
and the adoption of the Constitution of the United States, 

* Pi'efaoe to Webster's Dictionary. 
t Gladstone's speeches. 



232 LIFE OF MAJOR-GENERAL JOHX PATERSOX. 

1808 during which there was great danger that everj-thiug gained 
by the war would be lost, without seeing that a wise Provi- 
dence directed every act of those two periods. Our forefathers 
were essentially a religious people. As a colony long before 
and as a government after the Revolution they recognized 
the Creator in all their official acts, and they continued to do 
so during a large part of the first half of this century. Alas, 
that this government ever abandoned the practice ! This, with 
many others of the principles of our ancestors, has become 
undermined by the influx of the people of all the nations of 
Em-ope, many of whom form a very dangerous element of our 
population. If this emigration is not in some way restricted 
and the laws relating to it modified there is danger that the 
country will become iin- Americanized, and that the religious 
principle and regard for law which were such prominent feat- 
ures of our early history may disappear. Let us hope that 
'' in God we trust," which is stamped on some of our coins, will 
be received, in some measm-e at least, as the recognition due 
from this government to the Almighty Ruler of all things, and 
that we may still have the fulfillment of the promise attached 
to the command, " In all thy ways acknowledge Him, and He 
shall direct thy paths." * 

The fli-st thirty years of General Paterson's life were spent 
in Connecticut, the following seventeen years, including the 
period of the Revolution, in Massachusetts, and the last seven- 
teen years of his life in the State of New York. Shortly after his 
death his dwelhng-house and office \^dtll all their contents were 
burned, and his voluminous papers, records, and memoranda 
were destroyed. This cu'cumstance makes a detailed account 
of his eventful and interesting life peculiai'ly difficidt. The 
history of months at a time is frequently lost. No one ex- 
cept a person who has undertaken the task can understand 
what a labor it is to collect the history of men who were dis- 
tinguished in their own days, and honored and loved by theii' 
y countrymen, unless the data has been collated from their 
\ own diaries or manuscripts, or gathered T\dthin the Hves of the 

* Proverbs iii. G. 



LOSS OF DIPORTAXT RECORDS. 233 

generation of their contemporaries ; but when no such eolla- 1808 
tion has been made, and when records liave been destroyed, 
as is the case "w-ith many of the Revohitionar}- soldiers, and 
especially of General Paterson, every vestige of whose papers, 
manuscripts, and journals was destroyed by the burning- of 
his house, the task becomes surrounded with the greatest com- 
pUcations. Of General Paterson it is true that in whatever 
State, county, or town he lived he was a prominent num. His 
life was passed in three States, in each of which he distin- 
guished himself ; but remo\'ing from Massachusetts, the scene 
of his most brilliant labors, to an almost unsettled part of 
New York State, he died and was buried in an obscure place, 
away from those most famihar with his patriotic services ; his 
gi-ave had been neglected, and his memory had been almost 
forgotten. He was also one of the brightest figures in the 
early history of the States in which he lived. Although he 
was one of those who anticipated the Revolution, prepared 
for it, and from the fii'st news of the battle of Lexington 
acted the part of a gi^eat patriot and a brave soldier, ready 
to serve his country in time of war with ability and fideUty, 
and filled in time of peace places of great honor, trust, and 
responsibility in all three of the States in which he lived, 
yet he seems to have been forgotten in all of them, probably 
because no one of them could claim an exclusive right to him. 
His o^\m journals and records having been destroyed, what has 
passed into history has to be collected at almost infinite pains, 
from his official camp orders, from the army orderly books 
scattered through many libraries, in several States, from Rev- 
olutionary records, from the collectors of autographs, histories 
of the times,* and the family traditions, which in almost every 
case have been supported by some collateral evidence. 

It is fitting that public demonstrations should be made, and 
that stately monuments of stone should be erected to the na- 
tion's patriots. Such testimony influences successive genera- 
tions of ohildi'en as they pass by them on their way to school, 
or as they rally round them as goals in theu- games ; it incites 

* See Appendix I. 



234 LIFE OF IVIAJOR-GENERAL JOHN PATERSON. 

1808 the young men and women who from generation to generation 
are coming into the activities of life, when they read the epi- 
taphs on these monuments, to have noble aspirations in fulfill- 
ing their duty to their Creator, to themselves, their neighbors, 
the State, and the country, and to tiy to make the world better 
for their having lived in it. 



THE END. 



APPENDIX. 



THE PATERSON FAMILIES. 

There were living in Farmington at this time two brothers, William 
and Edward Paterson, and a sister, Anna. They came from Scotland in 
1740, and lived on the same street with Major John Paterson. They in- 
troduced into Connecticut the tin industry, which has become such an 
important article of manufacture in that part of the State. They were 
probably connections of the Major's family, but exactly what the rela- 
tions were has not been ascertained. Another William Paterson came 
to Trenton, N. J., with his father, Richard Paterson, in 1747. He gradu- 
ated at Princeton in 1763, and studied law. He was a delegate to the 
Convention of 1787; United States Senator in 1789, but resigned when 
he was elected Governor and Chancellor of the State of New Jersey, 
which office he filled for tlu-ee years. He was then appointed a Justice 
of the United States Supreme Court, and filled the office until he died in 
1806. Another family of Paterson came to Billerica, Middlesex County, 
Mass., twenty miles from Boston, which was settled in 1650. Still an- 
other settled in Baltimore. This last family was still in communication 
with the families of the same name which resided near New Britain in 
the early part of this century. All of these families were Scotch, and 
came to this country within a few years of each other. I have not been 
able to trace the connection between these five families, though every 
indication points to the fact that they were related. Republicanism was 
so intense after the Revolution that papers were destroyed as valueless 
which would now be priceless. Armorial bearings which would have been 
a clue were discarded. When they were again adopted they were often 
taken from Burke's "Peerage," and sometimes were ignorantly altered, 
so as to become rather a source of confusion in tracing relationships ; 
while, when not too much altered, they point to the general family rela- 
tion with certainty. A number of such pictures have been examined with- 
out the possibility of tracing the connection which it is believed exists. 

235 



236 APPENDIX. 

B 

WILL OF MAJOE PATERSON. 
(From original on file in the Probate Office, Hartford.) 

In the Name of God, Amen, the Eleventh Day of May in the year of 
our Lord 1759, I John Paterson, of Farmingtou in the County of Hart- 
ford and Colony of Connecticut in New England, being by the provi- 
dence of God Called to Serve my King and Country in the present In- 
tended Expedition against our Northern Enemies the French, being of 
Sound and perfect mind and memory. Blessed be God therefor. Calling 
to mind the Danger of martiall life and the Mortallity of m\- body, Know- 
ing that it is appointed for men once to Die : Do Make and ordain this 
my last Will and Testament — that is to say Principally and first of all I 
give and Recommend my Soul into the hands of God who gave it, hoping 
for the pardon of all my Sins and the gi'aee of God to Eternall life only 
thi'ough Christ Jesus my Glorious Redeemer, And my Body I Commit to 
the Earth to be bm-ied in decent Christian Burial, at the Discretion of 
my Executor hereafter Mentioned, nothing Doubting but at the Generall 
Resurrection I shall receave the Same again by the Mighty power of God. 
— And as Touching Such worldly goods and Estate wherewith it hath 
pleased God to bless me in this life, I give and Dispose of the Same in the 
following maner and form ^-iz. -I- Imprimis to my dearh* beloved Wife 
Ruth Paterson I give and bequeath to her and to her heirs and assigns for- 
ever the one half of a lot of land I bought of Sergt. Ebenezer Smith in the 
Sixth Division of land west of the Reserved land in Farmington and also 
all my Right in the Common and undivided land in Farmington part of 
which is ah'eady drawn for, and all my Personall Estate except my Negro 
Gii'l Rose, After my Just Debts are duly Discharged and paid. And also 
the use of what I shall give to my Son John Paterson in this Instrument 
untill he shall arrive at the age of Twenty one years, and the use and 
Improvement of the one half during her life and she to be at the Cost of 
my son John's Education at Colledge. 

Item : to my Daughter Mary the wife of John Peirce of Litchfield 
I give and bequeath to her, her heirs and assigns forever the one half of 
a Tract of land Lying in the Parish of New Cambridge in Farmington 
which I bought of Aaron Aspinwall, and a tract of land L^•ing in the Town- 
ship of Harwington in Litchfield County, which I bought of Joseph Cur- 
tiss. — Item : I give to my daughter Sarah the wife of James Lusk of Far- 
mington, to her heirs and assigns I give and bequeath forever the House 
which they now live in, the Barn and home lot on which sd. Buildings 
Stand with other the appm-tenanees thereof, and five acres of land I bought 



APPENDIX. 237 

of Joseph Hart Juiir. and Seven acres of land Lying in the sear Meadow 
which I bought of Joseph Kellogg of New Hartford, and also aU my 
right in the fourth Alotment in the first di\ision of land West of ye re- 
served Land Containing one hundred acres, all which lands Lye in the 
bounds of the Township of Farmington.— Item : to my Daughter Ann 
the wife of the Reverend Stephen Holmes of [Saybrook crossed out] I 
give and bequeath to her and to her heirs and assigns forever the 
other half of that Tract of land in New Cambridge which I bought of 
Aaron Aspinwall, and my Negro girl Rose.— Item : to my Daughter Ruth 
Paterson I give and bequeath to her and to her heirs and assigns forever 
all that land which I now own which was David Curtiss' land lying West 
of Robert Woodi-uff's home-lot and buting Soutli with the Remaining part 
of my Farm, West and north with highvveys. and in case she do not marry 
I give her the Improvement of one fourth part of my dweling house, and 
one fourth part of one of my Barns.— Item : I give unto my Son John Pat- 
erson and to his heirs and assigns forever I give and bequeath the Re- 
maining part of my Farm, which I now live on with the buildings Stand- 
ing thereon and all other appurtenances thereof and five acres of Land 
in Weathersfield, which I bought of Joseph Kellogg of Weathersfield — 
And I do hereby ordain, Make, and appoint my Wife Ruth Paterson to 
be E.xecutrix, and my Son in Law John Peirce of Litchfield to be my 
Executor to this ray last Will and Testament. In Witness whereof I 
have hereunto set my hand and Seal the Day and year above written, 
Signed, Sealed, Pronounced and Declared by the Said John Paterson 
as his last Will and Testament in presence of us Witnesses 

Samuel Newell '''''■ PATERSON 

Timothy Pitkin 

Ebenezer Smith 

< Exhibited in Court 
' Hartford, October 25, 1762. 
XIX. 70. 

C 

BOND OF MAJOR PATERSON AS PAY:^1ASTER. * 

Know all men by these Presents that we John Patterson and Da%ad 
Andrews both of Torrington in the County of Hartford are holden and 
firmly do stand bound and obliged unto the Governor and Company of his 
Majesties English Colony ^f Connecticut in New England in the Sum of 
Two Thousand Pounds Lawfull money of the said Colonv to be paid to 
the said Governor and Company to the which pajTuent well and truly to 

* Presented to me by W. R. Benjamin of New York. 



238 APPENDIX. 

be made and done we the said John Patterson & David Andi-ews do bind 
ourselves our Heirs Executors and administi-ators Joyntly and Severally 
firmly by these Presents 

Sealed with om- Seals Dated at Hartford this 2<i Day of April Anuo 
Domini 1762 

The Condition of the above Obligation is such that whereas the said 
John Patterson hath undertaken to act as Paymaster to a certain Com- 
pany of Foot Soldiers to be raised to serve under him and under the 
Superior Command of Sir Jeffrey Amherst the ensuing Campain and in 
his Majesties Service in the pay of this Government now if the said John 
Patterson Pay-master as aforesaid shall well and truly perform & dis- 
charge his said trust and office and without any unnecessary or unreason- 
able delay well and truly pay and render to the Severall officers and 
Soldiers of said Company all such sum or sums of money as on settlement 
of their accounts shall appear due and payable to them respectively and 
as he shall have orders from ye Pay Table to receive out of the Publick 
Treasury then and in such Case the above Obligation shall be void other- 
wise shall remain in full Power and Virtue in the Law 
Signed Sealed & Dd. in 
presence of 
John Led yard Jno Paterson (Seal) 

Jane Ellery David Andrews (Seal) 

(Indorsed on outside) Major John Paterson 

Military Bond 1762.* 

D 

PART OF THE SUBSCEIPTION LIST TO BUILD THE COURT- 
HOUSE IN LENOX.t 

We the subscribers do hereby promise and oblige ourselves our Heirs 
and administrators to pay Mr. Henry William Dwight Treasurer of the 
County of Berkshire or his successor in said office the sum affixed to our 
names respectively upon condition that the Court House and Gaol are 
built in the Town of Lenox according to the present Law of this Com- 
monwealth said payments to be made by us respectively in such materials 
and Labour as may be necessary for erecting said buildings and in such 

* This document is indorsed "Major John Paterson Military Bond 
1762," and was signed after he had been appointed a captain in the royal 
service. 

t The rest of this list cannot, owing to the age of the paper, be 
deciphered. 



APPENDIX. 239 

proportion and at such time as may be Judged best by the Committee 
■who may be appointed to superintend the same. 
Witness our hands this 24th of iSeptember, 1784 : 

May 27th Paid by A E (80), John Paterson, eighty pounds. 
Dec. 16th Rec'd in full (25), Enos Stone, twenty-five Pomids. 
Jan. 10th, 1789 Rec'd in full (20), Elias Willard, twenty Pounds. 
Jan. 17th, 1790 Rec'd (10), Lemuel Collins, Ten pounds. 
Jan. 28th, 1788 Rec'd in full (20), Elias Willard, jr., twenty Pounds. 
May 27th, 1788 Rec'd in full (50), William Walker, fifty pounds. 
Sept. 30th, 1789 Rec'd in full (50), Charles Debbel, fifty pounds. 
Jan. 15th, 1790 Reo'd in full (10), Titus Parker, Ten poimds. 

(10), Simeon Smith, ten pounds. 
(3), Moses Nash, three pounds. 
Dee. 17th, 1788 Rec'd in full (2), of Jacob Nash, tow pounds. 
Jan. 15th, 1790 Rec'd in full (5), Simeon Parker, five pounds. 
Jime , 1788 Rec'd in full (20), Eldad Lewis, twenty pounds. 
July, 1788 Rec'd in full (30), Caleb Hyde, Thirty Pounds. 

Aug. 20th, 1789 Rec'd in full (5), Northrup, five pounds. 

Rec'd in full, John Abel, tow shillings. 
Paid Elijah Northrup Six Pounds April 21st 1789 Rec'd in full 
(3), Jonathan Root, three pounds. 
Rec'd (10), Ebenezer Tracy, thirty shillings paid. 
(2), paid Thomas Rockwell, Forty Shillings Paid in full. 
Rec'd (5), Elijah Gates five pounds Rec'd in full. 

July 31st. 1789 Thomas , two pounds. 

Paid in full John Stoughton, two pounds, Dec. 17th, 1788 Rec'd. 
Paid Jonathan Hinsdale one pound. 
(10), Samuel Goodrich, Ten pound. 

I John Whitlock hereby fully give the Lands I agread to with this 
Committj' for setting the Statue for the Public Boimdary in Lenox if the 
Buildings shoidd be set on the ground where the Statue was set. Together 
with Twenty Pounds to be paid, as witness my hand 

John Whitlock. 

(3), paid Daniel Fellows three pounds paid in full. 

(5), Charles Mattoon, Five pounds Rec'd iu full April 18, 1788. 

July 31, 17S9, Elias Judd, two pounds Rec'd iu full. 

July 31, 1789, Joseph Allen, one pound Rec'd in full. 

John Hewitt, Three Pound Rec'd in full. 
July 31, 1789, Seth Bateman, three Pound Rec'd in full. 
July 31, 1789, Elisha Piekney, 1 pound Rec'd in full. 

This is one of the subscription lists, a few names following which are 
illegible. 



240 APPENDIX. 

E 

APPOINTMENT OF MAJOR-GENERALS. 

MESSAGE FROM HIS EXCELLENCY THE GOVERNOR, BY THE SECRETARY, 
JUNE 7, 1786.* 

Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives : 

The Major Generals chosen for the several divisions of the militia have 
respectively accepted the choice and commissions have in consequence 
of it been sent to them viz : 

To Major General Benjamin Lincoln, of the fii'st division, comprehend- 
ing the county of Suffolk. 

To Major General Titcomh, of the second division, comprehending the 
county of Essex. 

To Major General Brooks, of the third division, comprehending the 
county of Middlesex. 

To Major General Shepard, of the fourth division, comprehending the 
county of Hampshire. 

To Major General Cohl, of the fifth division, comprehending the coun- 
ties of Plymouth, Barnstable, Bristol, Dukes County, and Xantucket. 

To Major General Goodwin, of the sixth division, comprehending the 
counties of York and Cumberland. 

To Major General Warner, of the seventh division, comprehending the 
county of Worcester. 

To Major General Lithgow, of the eighth division, comprehending the 
county of Lincoln. 

To Major General Patterson, of the ninth division, comprehending the 
county of Berkshire. 

F 

DEFENSE OF GENERAL PATERSON. 

In House of Bepresentatives, March 5, 1787. 

Whereas reports have been circulated respecting the conduct of Major- 
General Paterson whilst commanding a corps of militia in the County of 
Berkshire in February last, injurious to that officer, and whereas the dig- 
nity of the Government, as well as of Major-General Paterson, requires 
an investigation of the facts relative to this matter ; therefore 

* Massachusetts Resolves, vol. vii., p. 18. 



APPENDIX. 241 

Hesolvcd, That His Excellency the Governor be and he is hereby re- 
quested to order a Court of Inquiry to be instituted for the purpose of as- 
certaining the merit or demerit of Major-General Paterson whilst com- 
manding a corps of militia of the CommonAvealth, called forth to suppress 
the late insurrection and rebellion, and that such further proceedings be 
adopted as in the opinion of His Excellency may be reqmsite for support- 
ing the honor of Government, and for doing justice to the said officer. 

Sent up for concurrence in Senate, March 5, 1787. 

Artemus Ward, Speaker. 

Read aud non-concurred. 

Samuel Phillips, Jun. President.* 

(Letter from camp to a friend.) 

PiTTSFiELD, Mass., February 12, 1787. 
General Paterson, you have heard, was suspected of doing wrong in 
making a treaty. We find that the report was ill founded and that he 
did all he was at that time authorized to do. He ordered Major Wiley, 
who commanded the rebels, to disperse his people immediately or he 
would fire upon them. Wiley immediately ordered his people to disperse, 
which they did. Wiley then i*e([uested General Paterson to promise his 
exertions in favor of himself and people with the Government that they 
might be tried for their conduct in this county. The General promised 
he would, but they must expect nothing more, for he could not give them 
any other assurance than his own personal recommendation, as he had 
no authority to do any such thing. I believe the affair has been repre- 
sented very much to his disadvantage. He had not received any informa- 
tion of their being declared in a state of rebellion. t 



G 

DLVRY OF THE SERVICES OF MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN 
PATERSON. 

(Compiled from the American Archives, Journals of the ProWncial Con- 
gresses, Orderly-books and Muster-rolls at Worcester and 
Boston, Manuscripts in the State House in Boston, 
Yale, and Connecticut in the Revolution.) 

1774. May Great and General Court. 

1774. July 6 Berkshire Convention at Stockbridge, Mass. 

1774. October 7 . . . .First Continental Congress, Salem, Mass. 

* Massachusetts Archives, vol. exe., p. 140. 

t Worcester Alar/aziue, vol. ii., No. 47. 



242 APPENDIX. 

1775. February 1 . . . Second Continental Congress, Cambridge, Mass. 

1775. May Returns of Field-officer Colonel John Paterson. 

Lists of captains, ensigns, and lieutenants. (David 
Noble was one of the captains and A. Egleston 
was in his company. ) 

1775. May 26 List of officers in Colonel Paterson's returns. 

1775. May 26 "To the Hon. Provincial Congress. Colonel Pat- 
erson ha\ang satisfied this committee that his 
regiment is nearly full, we recommend to the 
Hon. Congi-ess that said regiment be commis- 
sioned accordingly. Wm. Cooper, Secretary." 

1775. June 9 Cambiidge. Consignment of arms to Colonel Pat- 
erson. 

1775. June 10 Cambridge. 

1775. June 30 A petition sent to Congress by Colonel Paterson 

asking for blankets for soldiers. 

1775. July 10 Colonel Paterson's regiment reports one wounded 

at Bunker Hill. 

1775. July 22 Headquarters at Cambridge. Colonel Paterson will 

remain at Post No. 3, by order of General Wash- 
ington. 

1775. August 18. . . .Cambridge. Colonel Paterson's regiment, total, 506. 

1775. September 23. Cambridge. Colonel Paterson's regiment, total, 445. 

1775. October 3 Colonel Paterson's regiment, total, 445. 

1775. October 6 Continental 26th regiment of foot. Colonel John 

Paterson, of Lenox. 

1775. October 17 . . .Cambridge. 

1775. November 2 .. Headquarters Cambridge. To select colonels for 
command in new regiments. 

1775. December 30 .Cambridge. Colonel Paterson's regiment, total, 459. 

1776. January 8 Cambridge. 

1776. January 15. . .Returns of Colonel Paterson. 
1776. January 24. . .In Barracks on Prospect Hill. 
1776. February 19. .Cambridge. Colonel Paterson's regiment returned 

ammunition. 
1776. April 15 Returns of Colonel Paterson's regiment in New 

York. 
1776. May Four regiments (Poor's. Paterson's, Greaton's, 

and Bond's) by order of Congress detached to 

Canada. 
1776. May 24 First brigade, Poor, Paterson, Greaton, and Bond, 

arrived at Albany on their way to Canada. 
1776. June 2 Montreal. Colonel Paterson's list of prisoners in 

his regiment at battle of the Cedars. 
1776. July 22 Ticonderoga. 



APPENDIX. 243 

1777. January 1 to "Continental service of General Paterson. By 
Dec. 31, 1779. serAice from January, 1777, to December 31, 1779, 

is 36 months and days, for which a nominal 

sum has been paid him by the continent. 

"One month and 20 days as colonel and 3-4 
months and 10 days as brigadier-general. 

"By service from January 1, 1780, to Decem- 
ber 31st, is 12 months, at 37 pounds 10 shillings 
per month, as brigadier-general." 
1777. February 21. .Date of commission as brigadier-general. 

1777. March 26 Colonel John Paterson in list of commissioned offi- 

cers. 

1778. June 28 Monmouth, under General Washington. 

1778. December 6. .at Peekskill. 

1779. May 27 at Peekskill. 

1779. September . . .at West Point (3d Massachusetts Brigade). 

1779. October at West Point (3d Massachusetts Brigade). 

1779. November . . .at West Point (3d Massachusetts Brigade). 

1779. December. . . .at West Point (3d Massachusetts Brigade). 

1780. January at West Point (3d Massachusetts Brigade). 

1780. February at West Point (3d Massachusetts Brigade). 

1780. Mai"ch at West Point {'id Massachusetts Brigade). 

1780. April at West Point (3d Massachusetts Brigade). 

1780. April 29 with two companies at Fishkill (3d Massachusetts 

Brigade). 

1780. May 6 at Fishkill (3d Massachusetts Brigade). 

1780. June at Fishkill (3d Massachusetts Brigade). 

1780. July at Fishkill (3d Massachusetts Brigade). 

1780. August at Peekskill (3d Massachusetts Brigade). 

1780. September . . .at Peekskill (3d Massachusetts Brigade). 

1780. September 16 at Steenrapie, N. J. 

1780. September 20 and 23, at Orangetown, N. Y. 

1780. October 8 ... .at Fishkill, N. Y. 

1780. November 12 at Totoway, N. J. 

1780. December ... .at Huts, West Point. 

1781. January 1. . . .at New Windsor. 

1781. January at West Point Huts (1st Massachusetts Brigade). 

1781. February at West Point Huts (1st Massachusetts Brigade). 

1781. March at West Point Huts (1st Massachusetts Brigade). 

1781. April at West Point Huts (1st Massachusetts Brigade). 

1781. May at West Point Huts (1st Massachusetts Brigade). 

1781. June at West Point Hiits (1st Massachusetts Brigade). 

1781. July Order of battle. Camp Philipsburg, near Dobb.s' 

Ferry. "From Peekskill the troops returned 
down toward New York and took position at 



244 APPENDIX. 

Philipsburg, 5th, 8th, and 2d Massachusetts, un- 
der Brigadier-General Paterson. (Signed) Ma- 
jor-General Lincoln." 

1781. July 21 at Verplanck's and Stony Point. 

1781. August at West Point (1st Massachusetts Brigade). 

1781. September . . .at West Point (1st Massachusetts Brigade). 

1781. October at West Point (1st Massachusetts Brigade). 

1781. November . . .at New Windsor (1st Massachusetts Brigade). 

1781. December. . ..at Verplanck's Point, with General Washington 

(1st Massachusetts Brigade). 

1782. January at New York Huts (1st Massachusetts Brigade). 

1782. February ... .at New York Huts (1st Massachusetts Brigade). 

1782. March at New York Huts (1st Massachusetts Brigade). 

1782. April at New York Huts (1st Massachusetts Brigade). 

1782. May at New York Huts (1st Massachusetts Brigade). 

1782. June at West Point (1st Massachusetts Brigade). 

1782. July at West Point (1st Massachusetts Brigade). 

1782. August at West Point (1st Massachusetts Brigade). 

1782. August to Order of battle. 2d Brigade of Massachusetts, 
October under Genei'al Paterson ; Major-General Howe's 

division, under General Heath. 

1782. September . . .in camp at Verplanck's. In this new encampment 
the army remained through September and gi-eater 
part of October, making progress in drill and dis- 
cipline. 

1782. October in camjj at Verplanck's. 

1782. November ... at New Windsor. 

1782. December at New Windsor. 

1782 Camp, Verplanck's Point. 

1783. January at New Windsor. 

1783. February ... .at New Windsor. 

] 783. March at Newburg. 

1783. April at Newburg. 

1783. May at Newburg. 

1783. Summer Dissolution of Eevolutionary army. The four 

Massachusetts regiments were retained to serve 
until the end of the war, December, 1783. 

1783. June at Newburg. 

1 783. July at Philadelphia. 

1783. August at Philadelphia. 

1783. September ... at Philadelphia. 

1783. September 25.Philadelphia. Troops to return to West Point to- 
morrow, and General Howe takes this oppor- 
tunity to express his high appreciation of the 
conduct of the officers. 



APPENDIX. 245 



1783. October at headquarters, West Point. 

1783. November at headquarters. West Point. 

1783. December .... at headquarters, West Point. 



UNVEILING OF THE PATERSON MONUMENT AT LENOX, 
MAY 30th, 1892, BEING DECORATION DAY. 

The idea of removing the remains of General Paterson and his wife to 
Lenox, from which town he had rendered to the country his most distin- 
guished services, in which liis family had lived during tlie whole of the 
Revolutionary War, and of erecting a suitable monument to him and my 
grandfatlier, Major Egleston, originated many years ago. It could not, 
howevei', be carried out because it had never been possible to obtain the 
consent of the heirs of General Paterson, principally because there had 
been a plan to remove his remains to Rochester, New York, and to erect 
a suitable monument in the cemetery there. This plan failed in the year 
1885 owing to the deatli of tlie originator of it. There was still, however, 
an unwillingness on the part of some of tlie heirs to have the remains 
removed. In the year 1886 I determined, if I could obtain the consent of 
the heirs and of the owners of the plots in which they were buried, to 
erect the monument. I made but little progress, however, until 1890, 
when I succeeded in eliciting the interest of W. H. Lee of New York, 
who is a distant relative of Genei-al Paterson's wife. He succeeded in 
getting the co-operation of Miss Maria Paterson Kilbourn, of Spencerport, 
N. Y., and of her sister, Mrs. Davis, of Yonkers, N. Y., who are grand- 
daughters of General Paterson's daughter Maria, and in whose plot at 
Spencerport Mrs. Paterson had been buried, who after some trouble ob- 
tained the consent in writing. The consent of the town of Lenox was 
then asked to erect the monument in the small park at the top of the 
court-house hill, directly in front of the house which General Paterson 
built for himself, wliich was gi-auted at a town meeting held April 6, 1889, 
when the following resolution was passed : 

" Voted to allow Thomas Egleston to erect and maintain in the public 
square a monument to the memory of General John Paterson, provided 
the same be erected to the approval of a committee of the town to be 
appointed by the moderator. 

'^R. T. Auchmuty, William D. Cm'tis, and Henry Sedgwick were ap- 
pointed that committee. 

" [A true copv.] 

''I. J. Newtox, Town Cleric." 



246 APPENDIX. 

The order for the execution of the monument, which had been designed 
by Thomas Egleston, of New York, was then given to R. Fisher & Co., of 
New York City. 

At a special town meeting held in Lenox, May 12, 1892, it was 

"Voted that the same committee, with Charles Carey and the select- 
men added, be a committee of arrangements for the reception of the 
remains of General Paterson and Decoration Day exercises. 

" Voted to raise and appropriate $600 (six hundred dollars) in addition 

to the sum already appropriated for Decoration Day services, and that 

these appropriations be expended by the committee. 

" [A true copy.] 

"I. J. Newton, Town Clerk." 

On May 24, 1892, General Paterson's remains were removed from 
Whitney's Point, and the next day * the remains of Mrs. Paterson were 
removed from Spencerport. They arrived in Lenox on Thursday, May 
26th, and were placed side by side in the northeast room of the house 
which they had built and lived in during their residence in Lenox, and 
where they had spent so many pleasant years in the early history of the 
town. This room, as it used to be when they were accustomed to be 
together in it, is filled with the morning sun. The remains were draped 
with the United States flag. They remained here, after more than sev- 
enty years of separation, bathed in simshine, until Monday morning. 
The sight was a very impressive one, and one could not help a feeling of 
gladness that they who had been so united in life should be brought to- 
gether again in their own house, in the room where they had so often en- 
joyed not only the simshine of their day but the happiness of conjugal 
affection, as well as the dutiful love of their children. The respect with 
which these remains were treated by all the railroad officials, and the 
alacrity with which every wisli was met and every formality gone through 
with, was gratifying in the extreme. 

Owing to various delays, the monument and the grounds around it 
were not finished until late on Saturday night. The remains were to be 
reinterred on Decoration Day, which occurred on Monday. Before start- 
ing, the War Department at Washington had been asked for a detail of 
United States troops to do the last honors over General Paterson's grave. 
The correspondence relating to the subject is given below : 

"War Department, Washington, May 6, 1892. 
"Sir : As requested in your letter of the 2d instant, I have the honor 
to advise you that the necessary orders will be issued for the Command- 



* At the request of Mr. W. H. Lee, of New York, Mrs. Paterson's 
remains were removed at his expense. 



APPENDIX. 247 

ing General of the Department of the East to send a Company from New 
York Harbor to Lenox to do honor to the remains of the late Major Gen- 
eral John Paterson of the Revolutionary Army upon the occasion of their 
reinterment at Lenox. 

"Very respectfully, 

"L.A.Grant, 

"Acting Secretary of War. 
" Dr. Thomas Egleston, 

"Columbia College, 

"Forty-ninth Street and Fourth Avenue, 

"New York City." 

"Headquarters Department of the East, 

"Governor's Island, New York City, May 12, 1892. 

"Special Orders, No. 59. 

[extract.] 

" 2. Under instructions received from the Major General Commanding 
the Army, to send a company from New York Harbor to Lenox, Mass., 
to do honor to the remains of Major General Paterson, of the Eevolution- 
ary Army, on their reinterment there on Memorial Day, May 30, 1892, 
Company A, Gth Infantry, will proceed to Lenox, Mass., in season to 
perform this duty there upon the day appointed. 

"Captain A. M. Wetlierill, commanding the company, will confer with 
Dr. Tliomas Egleston, Columbia College, 49th Street and 4th Avenue, New 
York City, as to the details of the ceremony. 

" Upon the completion of the duty required at Lenox, Mass., the com- 
pany will return to its station at Fort Wood. 

* ^ * ^ « * 

" By command of Major General Howard : 

"Geo. D. Ruggles, 
"Official : "Assistant Adjutant General. 

"G. W. Macdonald, 
"Aide-de-camp. 
"Dr. Thos. Egleston, 
"N. Y. City." 

"Fort Wood, Bedloe's Island, 

"New York, May 14, 1892. 
"To Dr. Tlionias Egleston, 

"Columbia College, 

" Forty-ninth Street and Fourth Avenue, New York. 

-' Sir : I have been directed by General Howard, commanding the 

Department of the East, to confer with you in relation to the details of 

the ceremony connected with the reinterment of the remains of Major 

General Paterson of the Revolutionary Army. 



248 APPENDIX. 

"Will you kindly appoint an hour when I can see you, either in New 
York or here, so that I may have a full understanding as to the time of 
leaving, arrangements for the accommodation of my company, and all 
partieulai's connected with the duty? 
" Very respectfully 

"Your obedient servant, 

"A. M. Wetherill, 
"Captain Gtli Infantry, Commanding." 

The town had been decorated with great taste by the committee and 
the citizens. The buildings on the line of the main street were profusely 
ornamented with flowers, flags, and bunting. On the old court-house was 
a large tablet with the inscription : 

Berkshire County Court House 

1791 

Built hij Snhscription. 

General Paterson, £80. 

On Monday morning, the 30th instant, the troops arrived in Lenox. 
The graves had been previously prepared and the headstones of whifee 
Italian marble were placed in position. At twelve o'clock the remains of 
Mrs. Paterson were carried to the cemetery and placed in the Egleston 
plot, where two of her children, her son-in-law, and one grandchild had 
been previously buried. A tent had been erected on the green, between 
Sedgwick Hall and the Curtis Hotel, where Colonel Auchmuty and the 
reception committee received the visitors. By one o'clock several thou- 
sand people from all parts of the county and from adjacent States had 
assembled to witness the ceremony. They were in carriages, on horse- 
back, and on foot. Wliile the various delegations were arriving and 
being assigned to their respective positions in the line of march the band 
played several airs. 

The programme of the ceremonies as arranged by the committee was 
as follows : 

1. Reception of military companies, Grand Army posts, local and 
visiting societies and invited guests, by the Committee of Arrangements 
at Sedgwick Hall at 2 o'clock p.m. 

2. Procession to form near Trinity Church at 2.30; line of march up 
Walker Street to Main to the Egleston house where General Paterson 
lived, where the remains of General Paterson will be met and escorted 
to the grave by Company A, 6th U. S. Infantry, up Main to the cemetery. 

3. Decoration of soldiers' graves. 

4. Unveilinsr of the monument. 



APPENDIX. 249 

5. Presentation of the monument to the town by Dr. Eglestou. 

6. Address by Hon. Joseph Tucker, of Pittsfiekl. from a platform in 
front of Sedgwick Hall. 

The line when formed marched to the cemetery in the following order : 

Chief Marshal J. W. Cooney. 

His Aides, John W. Cooney, Jr., and Harvey H. Dewey. 

Germania band of Pittsfield. 

Company A, 6th Regiment U. S. Infantry. 

Remains of General Paterson. 

Company M of Adams, Massachusetts Militia. 

Father Mathew Cadets of Pittsfield. 

Father Mathew Cadets of Lee. 

Bartlett Camp Sons of Veterans of Pittsfield. 

Grand Army Veterans. 

"Mrs. Gaines," Colonel Auchmuty's war-horse.* 

Carriages containing speakers and distinguished guests. 

One hundred and fifty young women di-essed in white and carrying 

flowers. 

St. Joseph's band of Pittsfield. 

Battalion of school children carrjing flags. 

Ancient Order of Hibernians, Societies of Lenox and Lee. 

Among the guests in cai-riages were : Colonel Walter Cutting, repre- 
senting Governor Russell, Colonel R. T. Auchmuty. William Mahanna, 
C. E. Casey, Hon. Joseph Tucker, the orator of the day. Professor Thomas 
Egleston, who gave the monument to the town, Rev. W. M. Grosvenor, 
Selectman Edward McDonald, General Wilson, Sherifl: John Crosby, 
W. H. Lee, Professor J. S. Schanck of Princeton College, W. D. Curtis, 
Edwin S. Barrett of Concord and Nathan Warren of Waltham, president 
and registrar respectivelj' of the Massachusetts Sons of the Revolution, 
Colonel C. M. Whelden, representing the department G. A. R. council of 
administration, and General Morris Schafl", representing West Point. 
Among other prominent gentlemen present were Senator Hickox of 
northern Berkshire, County Treasurer George H. Tucker, Hon. Mar- 
shall Wilcox, District Attorney Hibbard, Levi Beebe. J. C. West, J. P. 
<^uigley of Lee, R. H. McDonald of Housatonic, W. Paterson of South 
Amboy, N. J., a descendant of Chief -Justice Paterson, Henry Bishop of 
Chicago, and Mr. and Mrs. Booth of New Britain. 



* This horse was captured at the battle of Gaines's Mills and was used 
by Colonel Auchmuty during the rest of the Civil War. She was then 
thirty-six years old. Though quite gray, she is quite spirited. No work 
is required of her ; she enjoys an honored old age, and is a featm-e in 
«very public occasion in the town. 



250 APPENDIX. 

Of the descendants of General Paterson who were present were Miss. 
Maria Paterson Kilbonru of Spencerport, N. Y., and her sister, Mrs. E. T. 
Davis of Yonkers, N. Y., descendants of his daughter Maria ; Thomas 
Egleston of New York, descended from his daughter Hannah ; Dr. J. 
Schanck of Princeton, whose wife, Maria Bobbins, was the daughter of 
Hannah Patersou's eldest daughter ; and Mr. William H. Lee of New 
York, a connection of Mrs. General Paterson. 

The parade formed at half -past two opposite Trinity Church and went 
up Walker to Main Street. On reaching Dr. Egleston 's house the military 
companies formed a hollow square, the soldiers presented arms, and the 
column was broken to receive the remains of General Paterson, which 
were in an oak coffin, covered with the United States flag. They were 
placed between Company A, 6th U. S. Infantry, and Company M of 
Adams. The line was then re-formed. The column moved up Main 
Street, almost every house of which was gayly decorated, the bands play- 
ing martial music. When in line the procession reached from the monu- 
ment to the foot of the church hill. 

The military formed about the grave. Company M of Adams on the 
north and the U. S. Infantry on the east. The coffin was lowered into 
the grave by Colonel Schaff, Colonel Welden, Colonel Adelbert Deland 
and Charles H. Rathburn from the Housatonic Grand Army Post. The 
Rev. Mr. Grosvenor read the collect for All-Saints' Day and for Eas- 
ter Even. The U. S. troops fired three volleys over the grave. The 
graves of the soldiers of the Revolution, of the War of 1812, and of the 
Civil War were then decorated with flowers and flags, and the column 
re-formed and marched down Main Street and around the monument, 
which at the sound of the bugle was unveiled. The lines were then 
broken opposite the speaker's stand, built in front of Sedgwick Hall. 
Seats had been prepared for the speakers and invited guests on the plat- 
form, and settees in front of the platform, but the crowd was so great 
that the seats prepared were all filled and a great crowd assembled upon 
the outside. After selections had been played by the Germania Band, 
Colonel Auchmuty introduced Colonel Walter Cutting, who had been sent 
as the representative of the Governor of Massachusetts, he being unable- 
to attend. Colonel Cutting said it gave him great pleasure to be sent on 
such a duty as to represent His Excellency, the Governor of the State, 
first, because the Governor had honored him with such a commission, 
and second, because he always enjoyed coming to Lenox, and was ex- 
tremely pleased in seeing the people engaged in such patriotic duties as 
occupied their attention now. He expressed for Governor Russell his 
great regi-et at being iniable to be present on this occasion. 

Colonel Auchmuty thanked him in the name of the town of Lenox for 
the kind words he had spoken and for the message which the Governor had 
sent. He then presented Dr. Egleston, who was received with applause.. 



APPENDIX, 251 

On rising, Dr. Egleston said : 

"Colonel Auchmuty, ladies and gentlemen: I take great pleasure in 
presenting to the town of Lenox this monument which I have erected to 
the memory of Major-General Paterson, who was a citizen and a worthy 
representative of this town before, dm"ing, and after the Revolutionary 
War. It is a monument not only to him, but to integi-ity, honor, and patri- 
otism as well, and will, I liojje, be a perpetual reminder to old and yoimg 
that the State of Massachusetts, the county of Berkshire, and the town of 
Lenox have always had a prominent place in the defense of liberty, honor, 
and justice, and have always quickly and enthusiastically responded with 
both treasure and men when the country has called for defenders of its 
liberties. General Paterson heard of the battle of Lexington here in 
Lenox on Friday at noon, and Saturday morning at sunrise he started 
with his regiment for Boston, and from that time never left the army 
until it was disbanded in December, 1783. He held the highest rank of 
any soldier from Berkshire County, and was the youngest officer of his 
grade, except Lafayette, in the Revolutionary army. When the State 
called on him for service during Shays' Rebellion in 1786-87 he answered 
as promptly. It is my intention to place a sum of money in the hands of 
trnstees as an endowment fund for the proper care and preservation of 
this monument, so that it may be no cost to the town, and may go down 
to posterity to remind both the present and future generations to aspire 
to high aims and noble deeds." 

Colonel Auchmuty responded for the town, and said that at the next 
town meeting the monument would be accepted. He said that the shaft 
would stand for hundreds of years, to show that those are best remem- 
bered who serve their country and do their duty. He then introduced 
Judge Tucker as a brave soldier, an upright judge, and a loyal citizen, 
one who, like General Paterson, went forth from this town at the call to 
arms. Judge Tucker was gi-eeted with prolonged applause, and he 
stepped forward and spoke as follows :* 

* Hon. Joseph Tucker was born in Lenox, Mass. ; gi'aduated at Will- 
iams' College in 1851 ; was admitted to the Berkshire bar in 1854 ; prac- 
ticed law in St. Louis, Mo., till 1860; enlisted in the 49th Massachusetts 
regiment in August, 1862 ; was appointed first lieutenant of Company 7 D 
of that regiment in October, 1862 ; went with the regiment to Louisiana 
in January, 1863 ; in March was appointed as aide on the staff of the first 
brigade of the first division of the Army of the Gulf ; on May 21st, 1863, 
lost his right leg at the battle of Plains' Store, near Port Hudson, La. ; 
was a member of the Massachusetts House of Representatives in 1865 ; 
was a member of the Massachusetts Senate in 1866 and 1867 ; was United 
States register in bankruptcy in 1867 and 1868; was Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor of Massachusetts from 1869 to 1872, inclusive ; has been justice of 
the district court of central Berkshire since 1872. 



252 APPENDIX. 



SPEECH OF JUDGE TUCKER OF PITTSFIELD AT THE 
DEDICATION OF THE PATERSON MONUMENT. 

(Leuox, May 30, 1892.) 

Nature is giving us our annual object-lesson : out of 
apparent death young life is springing; over the skeleton 
trees, over the bleak, harsh earth, she is weaving soft, flowing- 
draperies beautiful in color and outline ; out of ugliness has 
come beauty. Lenox is arrayed as a bride coming from hei* 
chamber. This fresh, joyous life of nature reacts upon our 
hfe ; as pure and limpid water, released from its winter bonds 
by this summer sun, gladly bubbles up from our hillside 
springs and dresses the turf in living green, so our hearts, 
released from wintry bonds of selfishness, overflow with good- 
will. Especially do we now remember our dead. We dislike 
to see their graves covered with snow and ice, to hear the 
fierce winds of winter blowing over them. When we see the 
tender grass softly covering them, hear the soft May winds 
singing gentle requiems over them, we are comforted ; we 
feel that somehow nature has a message also for them. Per- 
haps these thoughts may have caused the selection of this 
day for Memorial Day in memory of our dead. jMost of the 
dead in j^onder cemetery belong especially to some family, 
but these served for us all, for you, for unborn generations, 
and so they are our dead. If this be true, can we do less 
than set apart one day in the lovely springtime in which by 
public and stately ceremonial the people, in whose service 
many of them died, shall make solemn testimcmial in memory 
of their self-sacrifice? This is surely good public policy. 
Americans are notable the world over for their tremendous 
earnestness in business ; their whole being is utterly en- 
gi'ossed in it ; they have no leisure ; regard holidays as time 
wasted ; and are so bound up in the material things of the 
world that they tend toward a contempt of the higher things 
of the spirit. They are apt to forget that our splendid 



v. 



N^ 



APPENDIX. 253 

material success is almost whoUy due to the spiritual forces 
which only materialize in the presence and at the caU of 
humble and devout seekers after truth. The hodj is power- 
fully influenced by what it feeds upon ; likewise the spirit. 
It is wholesome to turn away, when possible, from private 
interests and dwell upon wearisome, dangerous, unselfish 
action. In a vast majority of cases a simple love of country 
was the controlling motive which actuated and glorified our 
dead. No one can catch even a glimpse of the true signi- 
ficance of these ceremonies without an uphfted ideal of a 
true life, a more vivid conception of the trvie meaning of the 
stars and stripes. 

On this Memorial Day we of middle age and beyond natu- 
rally are much engi'ossed by our thoughts and memories of 
the late war, in which we were either actors or spectators. 
We have been so impressed by its magnitude, by the vital 
importance of its issues, and the costly sacrifices it demanded, 
that we nearly forget the remote past, when the institutions 
we so gloriously defended were founded by the wisdom, the 
blood of our fathers. A nation of thirty millions, strong, 
rich, possessed of all the appliances of modern science, con- 
sumed four years of bloody war to preserve the edifice which 
cost three millions of poor colonists seven years of bloody 
war and untold sacrifices to build. A generation has grown 
to maturity since the sm'render at Appomattox, yet we can 
almost hea,r the rhythmic cadence of battalions marching past 
our doors to the fi*ont. At thousands of fii'esides the veteran 
has shouldered his crutch and told to admiring childi'en how 
fields were won. The prose, poetry, and oratory of this gen- 
eration have teemed with eulogy of our heroes. Not until 
quite lately have we begun to study the remote results of 
this war, to investigate its remote causes. To do this intel- 
ligently we have to go back to the beginning. Never before 
have the principles of scientific histoi-ical criticism been re- 
lentlessly applied to oui' past; in the flood of light thus 
focused upon them, our heroes of the Revolution are seen, 
not dimly and vaguely, but clearly, in their true heroic pro- 



254 APPENDIX. 

portions. A clearer perception of the results of the War of 
the Rebellion has awakened us to the priceless value of the 
War of the Revolution. Berkshire in those old days was a 
frontier settlement ; its sparse population was largely settled 
on its farms. Not one large village was within its borders ; 
its centers of trade we should now call hamlets. The first 
permanent settler in Lenox came here only twenty-five yeai'S 
before that war ; within twenty years before it, the people of 
Lenox were driven away by fear of the Indians. Its people 
had the characteristics of the frontier of that day : they had 
brawn, courage, brains, and force of character, and were a 
reUgious people. Their leaders had these qualities. The 
captains of New England were men of eminent sagacity and 
wisdom. The town records of those daj^s are rich in wdse 
statesmanship and fervent patriotism. The English states- 
man Burke said, '' The chief function of a government is to 
administer justice." England by new laws decreed that 
councilors and judges of higher courts of Massachusetts 
held their offices at the king's pleasure. The governor was 
a creature of the king ; the sheriff a creature of the governor ; 
the jurors, formerly selected by the towns, were now to be 
appointed by the sheriff. Thus the king alone administered 
justice. This was a direct blow at a most sacred right. 
Berkshire was prompt to lead in finding a remedy. The 
first county court to be held in Massachusetts, after the new 
laws were enacted, was on the third Tuesday of August, 1774, 
at Great Barrington; on that daj^ fifteen hundred men as- 
sembled, unarmed, at Great Barrington, and "filled the court- 
house and the avenues to it so full that no passage could be 
found for the judges." The sheriff commanded the people 
to make way for the court ; the reply was, " We know no 
court except that pro\ided by our ancient laws ; the court 
must leave town." It did depart. No com*t under a royal 
commission ever sat again in Berkshire. Thus a complete 
act of revolution, striking at the chief function of govern- 
ment, was perpetrated here long before the war, more de- 
structive of the king's authority than the destruction of the 



APPENDIX. 255 

tea in Boston Harbor. I speak of it as showing- vividly wliat 
kind of men laid the foundation of Berkshii-e institutions. 

It is the peculiar felicity of this occasion that on this day, 
set apart by the statutes of Massachusetts and by the unani- 
mous sentiment of its people to renew our annual tribute to 
our dead soldiers, we can, in addition to our usual ceremonies, 
and as a fitting and gratefid sequel to them, dedicate a per- 
manent, beautiful, and artistic Memorial of the most distin- 
guished soldier of Berkshii-e— I might perhaps truthfidly say, 
of western Massachusetts— in the War of the Revolution! 
In our natural pride and satisfaction in our recent tri- 
umphant defense of the government, we are conscious of a 
certain neglect of those gi-eat men who created it; and so 
to-day we single out a representative man, of Lenox and 
Berkshire in the War of the Revolution, for especial honor. 

In these days no one can escape an immediate and indelible 
record of his public, and most of his private, acts. The 
omnipresent reporter flashes them to the daily press, which 
presents them to the world for judgment. In the Civil War, 
on the day after a battle, the people at home knew more of 
its details than those engaged in it; brave deeds, great 
services, had immediate and permanent record. In those 
days no one at home knew anything about a great battle 
for perhaps weeks, and not then except hy a chance letter or 
a wandering soldier. There was no daily press and hardly a 
post-office. To know the deeds of their soldiers the people 
must rely on tradition or search dry official reports. We 
should bear this in mind when we examine the record of the 
man whom we especially remember to-day— 

Major-General John Paterson of Lenox. 

Many men are quite fortunate in their ancestors ; not so 
many ancestors are very fortunate in their descendants. His 
grandson Thomas Egleston left Lenox in early manhood, 
and became one of the great merchants of New York, watli 
all the great qualities of those merchants of his day. His 



256 APPENTIX. 

foiu" great-srraudsons are well known heiv to be woitliy of 
their ancestry. The menioiy of Heniy Egleston is dear in 
many Berkshii-e heai-ts. The mention of Genei-al Patei*son 
in onr histories is quite vagne. and seems to depend mainly 
on tradition. Dr. Thomas Egleston. a great-gi-andson. and 
a distinguished member of the seieutiiie department of Col- 
Ttmbia CoUege. has long engaged in a lalK»rious and elaborate 
search of original official d^K-nments. hbi-aries. colonial annals, 
and all other possible sonix?es of information, and has gathered 
a number of very interesting facts, from which he has made 
an admii-able sketch of the life and sei-vices of Genei-al Pat- 
erson which I trust will soon be pnbhshed). I shall avail 
myself of these facts to make a brief, shai-p outline of his 
civil and military career. His grandfather came fi'om Scot- 
land, was one of the first settlers of Wethei-sfield, Conn., and 
married there in 17CM:. John Paterson. father of the General, 
moved to that pai*t of Fanuington. Conn., now known as 
Xew Britain, and theiv marrieil. He was well educated, and 
a large owner of land : had much military abihty : was a 
member of the local train bands in his youth : served with 
distinction, as a captain, under Wolfe in the French and 
Indian "Wars: served as Captain under Loi*d Albemarle in 
the West Indies : was present at the capture of Havana, and 
died there of yellow fever in 1762, with a brilliant i-ecord. 
John Paterson. his only son. was bom in Farmington. Conn., 
in 1744: graduated at Ycile iu 1762. studied law thei-e. and 
practiced his profession thei"e successfully. 

In 1766 he married Miss Eli2al>eth Wan-en Lee of that 
town. She was a woman of great foi-ce of chai*acter. and 
very charming in person and manner. Early in 1774 he 
came with his family to Lenox. He was then thirty years 
old. over sis feet in height, a nervous, active man. very 
pc»werful. and a noted pedestrian. On July 6th of that year a 
congi"ess of delegates from all the towns of the county, made 
up of their ablest men, met in Stockbridge. John Ashley 
of Sheffield presided: Theodore Sedgwick of Stockbridge 
was clerk: John Paterson was a delesnate. The famous 



APPENTHX. 



■J.-U 



.Solemn Leapie and Covenant" was adopted. It was the 
foundation of the .Massachusetts rebellion. This was a 
covenant -not to import, purchase, or consume anv goods 
or manufactures which shaU am ve from Great Britain from 
and a ter the 1st of Octoter nezt; any person refusing to 
sign It IS to be treated with all the neglect deser\-ed- anv 
shopkeeper refusing to sign is not to be traded with" We 
should call this a boycot. Wthin ten da.vs .Mr. Patei^on 
obtained the signatures of one hundi-ed and ten men of 
Leno.x to this^ treasonable paper. In .\ugust was the meet- 

Ik^/'t r^o '^'"^"fc"''" 1 1'"™ spoken of, there is no record 
that John Paterson was there, but I am absolutelv sure he 
was He was planned that way. I am confident that it was 
qmetly arranged for at the Stockbridge Congress, though 
Colonel Ashley, the chairman, was one of the iuiges In 
September Governor Gage warned the people to elect rep.^ 
^ntativcs to the General Court to be held October 5th a^ 

?ohl PaT "' 1 """•^' ''"■"■^ '" '''"^ r'^Presentatives. 

John Paterson was elected by Leno.^, and was instructed to 
p.-oceed to Salem, and if the governor appeared, to unite 
wi h hun ,n finding a remedy for public Jongs; if he did 
not appear, to go on without him. He did nof appear and 

declaie itself a Pro^ncial Congress, and went on just as if 
plZr" °" ^7^™«>-another act of high treason. Mr. 
Pate, son wa^ ordered to investigate the contUtion of the 
commissary department, and thus got fiUl knowledge of he 
resom-ces of the province, so that when he came homf Leno' 
doubtless on his motion, appointed him one of a ooZtu 

voZrTT Tl '"■' '"'''''" "'^' ""' appropriated twentv 
pounds ..terhng to buy a stock of ammunition. He was then 

shoiddte r: "" "'"""- ^"" ^^^"'-^ *«' hi« torn: 

shoidd be ready for it. In Januan-. 177.5. he was a^ain 
elected This time they did not wait a caU froL Z goC 
nor; the people called their representatives for the first time 
ic Massachusetts. Febniary 14th he offered a resolution to 



258 APPENDIX. 

send an agent to Canada to induce that people to combine 
with us. John Brown of Pittsfield was appointed agent. He 
was on a committee to revise the commission of the " Com- 
mittee of Safety and SuppHes." This was important work, 
as that committee was the executive head of the people ; it 
took the place of the governor. April 24tli he was placed 
on this committee for this county. He was very active in all 
mihtary matters, then of the highest importance. 

I submit that this is a remarkable record. He came here 
early in 1774 ; within eighteen months he was a delegate to 
perhaps the most important convention ever held in this 
county, certainly the most perilous ; was twdce a represent- 
ative of the town; was a prominent member; was made a 
member of the Executive Committee of the province ; was 
conspicuous in persuading his people to rebel against their 
government. It may be suggested that probably he was a 
plausible, pushing office-seeker; on the contrary, he was a 
pecidiarly modest, reticent man, never pushing himself. It 
is certain he never forgot he was a gentleman. No ! he was 
a born leader and organizer of men. It was a solemn time 
in Massachusetts. They were a loyal people; they believed 
the king would redress their wi'ongs if bad men did not inter- 
vene. Most of them condemned the Boston tea-party of the 
year before, but the relentless logic of events swept them on : 
they signed the League and Covenants ; they abolished the 
courts; they formed a new government. Then came the 
logical conclusion, the clash of arms. This was no time for 
demagogues ; it was too early for that crop : earnest, honest, 
able men were sought for. They instinctively said, '' Here is 
a man we need." The war had come, and he had long- 
awaited it ; he with other noted men of the county prepared 
the people for it. Between the First and Second Congresses 
he had been active in recruiting, equipping, and drilling a 
Berkshu'e regiment of minute-men, to be ready at a mo- 
ment's notice. He became their colonel. 

The battle of Lexington occurred on Wednesday, April 
19th ; the news, coming by relays of coui'iers, reached Lenox 



APPENDIX. 259 

Friday noon ; on Saturday, April 22d, at sunrise, Colonel 
Paterson marched for Cambridge with a regiment fully 
armed and equipped, nearly every man in uniform. This 
beats the record of the early march of Massachusetts men in 
1861, which brought much honor to the State. It was done 
without the aid of steam or lightning ; there must have been 
some rough riding over these hills the night before. June 
15th the regiment became the 15th Foot of the Continental 
Infantry. It built a fort where now is the city of Somerville, 
and there remained to guard the flank of the army thi'ough 
the fight at Bunker Hill and until the evacuation of Boston, 
and then marched wdtli Washington to Staten Island. April 
13, 1776, it was ordered to Canada. It had then six hundred 
men in fine condition. Before it reached Canada Montgom- 
ery had fallen, and Ai-nold, wounded, had retreated to Mon- 
treal, where it arrived early in May. There it suffered terri- 
bly with smallpox. June 8th there were but six men fit for 
duty, the rest being in the hospital sick wdth inoculated small- 
pox. It fought the disastrous battle of the Cedars with the 
British and Indians, losing many men ; sixty-seven were 
captured. In September Colonel Paterson was in command 
at Fort George and was recommended by General Gates for 
promotion. In November they joined Gates near Saratoga 
with three hundred and thirty-one men and were ordered to 
rejoin Washington. His army was retreating through New 
Jersey ; they joined him December 8th, with only two hun- 
dred and twenty men. The term of enlistment of most of 
his army was about to expire, and they were in a desperate 
condition. It was the most gloomy period of the war. But 
how fortunate for Paterson and the Berkshire men that they 
came in time to have a share in that masterh' crossing of the 
broad Delaware, filled with floating ice, to the brilliant vic- 
tory at Trenton on that stormy Christmas Eve, and two days 
after in the brilliant flank movement and victory at Princeton. 
The country was again full of hope and coiu'age. For his 
conduct he was promoted to be ]:)rigadier-general in Febru- 
ary, 1777, and was ordered to Ticonderoga. On its evacua- 



260 APPENDIX. 

tion he joined Gates, with a brigade of four Massachusetts 
regiments, near Saratoga. His brigade was in nearly all the 
engagements near Saratoga, and had heavy losses. General 
Paterson's horse was killed under him. After the surrender 
of Burgoyne the Brigade was at Valley Forge tlirough the 
winter and until June, when a council of war was held to 
discuss the grave question of a general engagement. Gen- 
eral Paterson was an ardent advocate of it. The council 
resulted in the fiercely contested battle of Monmouth ; at its 
close the enemy retreated. On one of the bas-reliefs of the 
monument, erected in 1884 by New Jersey to commemorate 
this battle, is a group of the officers composing the council. 
In the group is John Paterson next to La Fayette. After 
the battle he was ordered to take command of the fortress at 
West Point. His brigade left there just before Arnold's trea- 
son became known. He was a member of the court-martial 
which tried Major Andre, and was the youngest member ex- 
cept La Fayette. From this time most of the fighting was in 
the south. He was at West Point and its vicinity till the 
close of the war, and much of the time in command of that 
post. It was considered the military key of the northern de- 
partment, and while the bidk of the army was in the south it 
was important that this post should be intrusted to safe hands 
— and it was. Peace was proclaimed April 17, 1783 ; the 
army was disbanded, but General Paterson and his brigade 
were kept at West Point till December 8, 1783. On Septem- 
ber 30th he was promoted to be major-general. 

I am quite well aware that this is a very bald outline of a 
distinguished mihtary career. Shortly after his death his 
house and all his papers, letters, diaries, and private memo- 
randa were biu*ned. If we only had the letter which I am 
sure he wrote to his wife on that Christmas after the splendid 
fight at Trenton, penned when he was yet throbbing with a 
soldier's joy ! What a vision it would give us of the real 
man ! If we could quote passages from his diary written 
just after Monmouth or Saratoga, how near we could get to 
him and to those battles ! How easily we could cover this 



APPENDIX. 261 

cold skeleton of official facts with a warm, living body full of 
human interest, appeahng- irresistibly to our hearts rather 
than our judgments ! He came home, after an absence of 
eight 3'ears with only one fiuiough. He had been a citizen 
here ten years, all of them almost wholly occupied in the pub- 
lic ser\'ice. 

In 1786 he was again called on to assist in suppressing the 
very serious Shays RebeUion, and received the formal thanks 
of the government. He lived five years more in Lenox, serv- 
ing several times in town offices, showing always a strong in- 
terest in the town. His subscription for building the court- 
house was eighty pounds, the largest made, and enormous for 
those days. In 1791 he removed to Broome County, X. Y., 
and there at once became a public servant. He was four 
years a member of the legislature ; a delegate to the Consti- 
tutional Convention ; a member of Congress one term ; and 
presiding judge of the County Court from 1798 to his death. 
He died at Lisle, N. Y., in 1808, at the age of sixty-four years. 

Does not this life strongly appeal to us for recognition of 
its able, faithful service ? I can conceive how Dr. Egleston 
was at first content with a memorial tablet in yonder church ; 
but as his search unfolded this man's career, the man grew 
steadily greater, until not only a natural pride of ancestry but 
the pride of patriotism demanded that here in Lenox should 
stand forever the monument unveiled to-daj'. If he could 
speak to us, we should know his deep gratification that loving 
hands had brought him tenderh^ back again to the scene of 
his noble service, and laid him lieside his kindred and among 
his comrades, and that Berkshire had come here to pay him 
the honors justly due him. As New Jersey grouped him, on 
her battle monument, with Washington and La Fayette, so it 
is time that the tow^l he honored in civil and military service 
should with solemn ceremony receive his ashes, study his 
record, and dedicate this monument to his fame. I congratu- 
late my native town that this tribute, to an honest, able, and 
useful pubhc servant, is to stand forever right in its veiy 
heart. My own experience teaches me what an insj^iration 



262 APPENDIX. 

and education it will be to this people. Daily 1 pass the noble 
statue of the standard-bearer in Pittsfield, the most artistic 
representation of an American volunteer I have ever seen ; 
together with its wonderful inscription, "For the living, a 
memory ; for the dead, a tribute ; for posterity, an emblem of 
loyalty to the flag of oui* country," it is a continual refresh- 
ment and joy. Many days you may pass by and not regard 
it, but some day, when your mind and heart are rightly tuned, 
this stone will strike a chord there which you will not willingly 
forget. Daniel Webster at the dedication of the monument 
at Bunker Hill said: "We can win no laurels in a war for 
independence ; nor are there places for us among the f oimd- 
ers of States — our fathers have filled them ; there remains to 
us a great duty of defense and preservation." 

The country was in a sad condition at the close of the war. 
The pressure of a common danger had kept the colonies 
united ; when that pressure ceased they began to quarrel. 
They had little common interest, little intercom*se ; the dis- 
tances were immense, the roads dreadful; a journey from 
Boston to New York by the fast stage Hue consumed a week, 
and two coaches did all the business. The cmrency was 
worthless ; every one was in debt ; no one would take the de- 
based paper. Congress, their only central government, had 
no power, and was without influence. For five years after 
the war their condition grew steadily worse. The historian 
John Fiske says that those five years were much more danger- 
ous than any period of the war ; that there was imminent 
danger of utter anarchy. Europe was certain that the result 
would be thirteen pitiful little States and ultimate union un- 
der a military chieftain. Some of our people hoped for this, 
as the best remedy for their distress. Many good men saw 
that union was necessary, but they had been educated to fear 
centrahzed government and to magnify their States; they 
hated the idea of a strong government. But their condition 
became so unbearable, their distress so great, that they finally 
appointed delegates to the immortal convention of 1787. 
Even then no one dared to say that its work was to create a 



ATPENDIX, 263 

new form of government, such was the State jealousy and the 
fear of giving up any power. The people thought they would 
patch up the old confederacy. The convention sat four 
months in secret session in Independence Hall, and presented 
to their countr3'men that wonderful Constitution which Mr. 
Gladstone pronounces the greatest work ever struck forth, in 
a given time, by the brain of man. It was a creation, not a 
mere selection from the experience of others. Creation on a 
large scale always partakes, in some degree, of the supernatu- 
ral. There was no precedent. The problem was to construct 
a government whose form and practical working shoidd be 
permeated by the Declaration of eleven years before, that aU 
men are free and equal l)efore the law. Tliere was no model ; 
the world had never seen one. There had been vague dreams 
of it, but they were regarded as baseless visions. That a con- 
tinent could safely trust the common people to govern them- 
selves was mere midsummer nuidness. The convention, espe- 
cially delegated, as I beUeve, 1)v a divine Providence, had two 
problems to solve, both of which seemed too difficidt for hu- 
man wisdom. Fii-st, to devise an entirely new form of gov- 
ernment, which should easily and almost automatically put 
into practical actit>n a new and untried theory ; which should 
unite a divided people, and by its immediate results recom- 
mend itself to a very practical and impatient people. But 
suppose aU this to be accomplished, how were the common 
people, poor, loaded with debt, oppressed with taxes, jealous of 
power, suspicious of all authority outside their owti State — 
how were they to comprehend this profound and completely 
new charter ? How was it possible for them to suddenly grasp 
its wonderful beneficence ? How was it possible to persuade 
them to drop their local jealousies and intrust their future 
welfare to it f The world did not then perceive it, but the fact 
that those people, conditioned as they were, should have been 
able to even dimly understand and accept their new govern- 
ment was a final demonstration of the capacity of the people 
to govern themselves. 

It is worth considerine: for a moment. You have been act- 



264 APPENDIX. 

ors in a national election. The struggle tm-ned upon a single 
issue, perhaps the tariff or the cm-reney. You know something 
of the perfection of the organization of parties : of its enor- 
mous cost ; of the great ability of its orators and of the press ; 
of the industry of the poHticians for mouths and years — all 
this to instruct and persuade the people upon a single issue. 
Suppose the issue to be the whole form and theory of a gov- 
ernment, with yom-selves and your leaders ignorant of its prac- 
tical working, and that you were Uviug under like conditions ; 
can you conceive of yoiu'selves, confi'onted with such a prob- 
lem under such circumstances, being able to triumphantly 
solve it ? If so, you can fully measiu-e them, not other^\'ise. 
The new government was inaugurated ; you all know its his- 
tory. This commonwealth is a fau- illustration of its bene- 
ficent results. It greatly blessed the country. But there was 
a serpent in this Eden. The new charter presented a strange 
anomaly. Formed for freemen, satm-ated with the ideas of 
the Declaration, it contained a recognition of human slavery. 
The convention was almost unanimously opposed to this, but 
thought it absolutely essential that all the States should ac- 
cept its work. To obtain unanimity they were obliged to in- 
sert a recognition of slavery ; all then supposed it to be a 
temporary e\'il. The cotton crop and the cotton-gin made it 
a gigantic power. Its absolute necessities compelled it to seek 
conti'olling power in politics. It controlled them for fifty 
years. Its presence in our organic law was a fatal error. Long 
before the war Abraham Lincoln said, '1 believe this govern- 
ment cannot permanently endure half slave and half free." 
When he was elected slavery thought its existence requii-ed 
rebellion. The error of the fathers had matm-ed its fruit. The 
war brought fi'eedom to the slave and nearly equal benefit to 
all lal)orers. How could labor rise to its complete dignity and 
honor while laborers were bought and sold like cattle in the 
market ? So long as slavery existed labor was degraded. It is 
true that since the war labor has lifted up its head with new 
power and self-respect. The results of the war made this laud 
the earthly paradise of the workingmeu. The young man com- 



APPEXDLX. Og- 

ing here from the lowest wretchedness of Europe has uo liniits 
to h,s possible aoh,eve,„ents, except his capacity and strength 
aU honors, wealth, comfort, ha,,piness, are possible according 
to h.s gfts. If he stays in Germany he must bm-v live of hi! 
best years in the army, and be hable to fmther ser'rice If he 
remams m England only a mii-aele ,viU lift him out of 'the life 
he was bom into. His life in Russia is a dead level of utter 
hopelessness. Xowhere does the sun of hope shine in and 
cause hnn to gi-ow to the full stature of manhood, except, in 
this dear land, which we have at last made free. Here uLe " 
-ckness, bad habits, or laziness prevent, everv man'c^ I 
least provide for a comfortable, happy old a^c. 'Work is mos 
honorab e. That to such a country, rich ,vith blessings earned 

he Old W M *"T ™'''' ""'" ^'""^'^ """' fro™ «- '^'"■"'^ of 
1 u K ; "'"^ P'''''"''' "'" '"^""•*^'' <l«-*>-"'^« of anarchy 
should be allowed to advocate the abolition bv force of prc^p! 
erty law, government, surpasses belief. It is libertv run mad 
The work of the fathers had but one radical fault: that 
defect was weU known to them, but they felt compelled to 
aUow ,t to remam, hoping it would soon be removed It be 
came a menace to om- peace. It was our pri^-ilcee and dutv 
o eomplcte their work, and so the War of' the lebeufon t 
came the logical successor of the War of the Revolution. At 
ast their fondest hope is realized, their work is complete, as 
thev designed it; and thus (and this is the central thought I 
woiUd express to-day) we are nearer to the fathers thaJi all 
the generations that have preceded us. Other generations 
have used the liberty they inherited; we have mal t eii-r 

wo^ tht an'"' ™"'''*'' """^'*-^- ^-'^^ '"■""--I to the 
woild.that aU men are free and equal before the law : fh-st 

Sn ot A f f™"«Pation was proclaimed by Abraham 

ti^ll- , "' '''''""*^ '™" "'^ '"'''■■* to the extremi- 

ties continually rcpau-s the constantly wasting tissues keeps 
he eyes bright, the senses alert, the brain clear: the wlil 
bod, fit for service, so this great principle, permeating the 



266 APPENDIX. 

body politic, tests every statute, every executive act, every 
decree of the courts, acts upon our social intercom-se, our busi- 
ness, our recreations. We do not perceive it any more than 
the air, but we rely upon it unconsciously as we do upon natu- 
ral laws. It is part of our contracts, our ambitions, our hopes ; 
it enlarges om* self-respect. It is the ozone of our political 
atmosphere ; our political health depends upon it. We do not 
fully appreciate it, yet no blessing like unto it has ever envel- 
oped the hearts and homes of any people. Those who have it 
not yearn after it, as the hart panteth for the water brooks ; 
it seems to them like a cool spring in a thirsty desert. Out 
of the depths of their poverty and misery they strain every 
nerve to enter into this happy land ; to them the idea of equal 
rights freely bestowed seems more precious than the Moham- 
medan paradise to the devout Moslem. They are right ; of 
all things in this world worth fighting for, dying for, this is. 
supreme ; for this the fathers and their worthy heirs fought ; 
for this John Paterson of Lenox fought and William Dwight 
Sedgwick of Lenox died. Until those discovered it and these 
completed it, the world never saw a pure liberty freely be- 
stowed upon a great nation. The world sees it now and ap- 
preciates it. We wonder to see the multitude pouring into 
our gates ; the secret lies in the liberty which is here a living- 
reality. The prolific mother of many blessings, it makes free 
public education necessary. When a man feels he is really 
free he begins to think knowledge is necessary to the dignity 
of his position; the more knowledge he gets the more he 
prizes liberty. Before he was President, Lincoln said of the 
Declaration of the fathers: "This was theii- majestic inter- 
pretation of the economy of the universe ; this then- wise and 
noble understanding of the justice of the Creator to His. 
creatures." On his memorable journey to Washington in 
1861 he said in Independence HaU: '^I have never had a 
feeling, pohticaUy, that did not spring from the sentiments 
of the Declaration of Independence." We have no time for 
the f uU argument ; it seems clear to me that the establish- 
ment of this doctrine as a vital truth in the hearts of this, 



APPENDIX. 267 

people is ample compensation for the dreadful cost of both 
wars. Let us try to get a just estimate of tliis rich and costly 
blessing. The fathers gave it to the world ; my comrades 
cut out the cancer of slavery and gave free course to the life- 
blood of freedom through all the veins and arteries of the 
body politic, untainted and pm-e ; building up the waste 
places ; bringing hope and sweet content to the hopeless ; 
compacting a divided people into a proud, happy nation, 
which can now with perfect truth and honest pride look up 
to the stars and stripes, and say, '' There floats the beautiful 
symbol of a true, pure liberty." 

Will all this continue? It certainly will until God pro- 
vides a safer foundation for a State. In eveiy earnest con- 
flict between good and evil the good will surely triumph in 
the end. Even in this crime-laden, wicked age many more 
good deeds are daily done than bad ones. Every petty 
larceny is published, but a hundred little gifts are made 
daily in the same community, a hundred hands are clasped 
in silent sympathy, a hundred helpful words are spoken, which 
are never chronicled. In every political issue which is also a 
moral issue the right has always triumphed where there is 
free debate. Witness the slavery issue, the fight with Tweed 
in New York. We have had an object-lesson this winter 
which seems to me conclusive. I refer to the lottery contest 
in Louisiana. Just after the Civil War a party of New York 
gamblers got a charter in that State giving them a monopoly 
of the lottery business for twenty-five years ; in 1879 they 
got their charter into the State constitution ; it expires Janu- 
ary 1, 1895. Of course it now desu'es a new charter, and 
this winter proceeded to force its way through the legislature. 
It needed just twenty-four votes in the Senate — it got just 
twenty-fom*, no more, no less ; it needed just sixty-six votes 
in the House — it got just sixty-six votes, no more, no less. 
The governor vetoed the resolve. It needed just three judges 
of the Supreme Court to deny his right to veto — it got just 
three judges. The question then went to the people. It 
needed just thirty-nine members of a committee on creden- 



268 APPENDIX. 

tials to control a convention — it got just thirty-nine, no more, 
or less. Its money power is enormous ; the market value of 
its stock exceeds the entire banking capital of the State. Its 
stock pays dividends of from seventy to one hundred and 
sixty per cent., and part of it is held by leaders in both 
parties. It offered a bribe of $1,250,000 a year for twenty- 
five years to this poor State. It controlled every daily paper 
in New Orleans, and could paralyze any bank or business 
house that opposed it. More than half of the voters of the 
State are ignorant negroes. No one had any special personal 
interest to oppose it. It required sublime moral and physical 
courage to oppose it. It was a much more dangerous foe 
than the Italian Mafia. The odds in its favor seemed a thou- 
sand to one ; those who entered this fight must be actuated 
by a high, pure, moral purpose, an unselfish patriotism. The 
men came forward — they always do when a forlorn hope is 
called for. They established a new daily paper, which was 
conducted with great power. They began to hold small 
meetings. Soon the tide began to rise. After a while all the 
white clergy, and then a majority of the black clergy, joined 
them ; then the women en masse took up this cause. They 
had very little money, and called upon patriots of the North 
for help, and got it, and deserved it, for nine tenths of the 
revenues of the corporation (over $20,000,000 each year) came 
from the North. Of this, their New England agency sent 
more than any other. And they got sympathy from all 
Christian denominations ; they got a manly Christian protest 
from Cardinal Gibbons, the head of the Roman Church in 
this country, which was a deadly blow to the lottery. They 
had to overcome political prejudice and divide both of the 
parties ; they had to erase the color line and overcome the 
intensely bitter race feeling, more bitter than in any other 
State. Can you conceive of a moral battle under more ad- 
verse circumstances 1 And yet they had a complete victory. 
Warm praise and admiration are especially due to General 
George D. Johnston, Governor Nichols, and the editor of the 
N'ew Delta — I can't recall his name. Here was a clear moral 



APPENDIX. 269 

issue, discussed on the stump before a comparatively ignorant 
people, resulting in a triumph for the right against an im- 
mense money powei-, very ably led, controlling the machinery 
of both parties, all the daih' press, and most of the business 
influence. To me it has been a very impressive and reassur- 
ing contest. It could have only taken place where was real 
freedom. 

I believe this will continue, because in a pecuHar sense it 
is a providential country. "VVlien the colonists had decided 
that they must fight, their supreme need was a man so supe- 
rior to other men that an almost insanely jealous people should 
never question his wisdom or his motives. If they had 
searched the earth they could have found no man who could 
fin the place of George Washington. Yet he had been quietly 
growing up here, ahnost unknown beyond his State. Then 
a veritable creation of a completely new form of government 
which had but one serious error, known, but supposed to be 
short lived, but which soon menaced and finally resolved to 
destroy the whole. Then rebelhon, ci\dl wai*. Again the 
supreme need was a man like unto the other, but adapted to 
his age. The man was ready ; he came right out of the heart 
of the common people — an American of the purest type; 
none other would answer. Of aU the great men who were 
prominent during the war, some were abler in one direction, 
some in other directions, but no one combined all the neces- 
sary qualities but Abraham Lincoln. He alone was utterly 
unselfish ; he gave himself to his country whoUy ; he brooded 
over her as a mother broods over her babes. A thoughtful 
reading of his life will disclose a gi'adual leading up, from 
boyhood to that fatal night in the Washington theater, by a 
power higher than man. Most of us had the idea, at first, 
of saving the Union and slavery with it ; but such was the 
ebb and flow of victory and defeat for many weary months, 
the progi'ess of events was so overruled that at last the people 
were brought to know that slavery must die. What would 
om* victory have been worth if slavery had survived? It 
would not have been worth one tenth of the blood that was 



270 APPENDIX. 

shed. Memorial Day would have little inspiration. The 
chief distinction of this generation, viz.. the completion of 
the work of the fathers, would have passed on to some future 
generation. 

Imperial America, "enthroned T3etween her subject seas," 
midway between mysterious, mystical Asia and conservative 
Europe, containing everything necessary for countless mill- 
ions, was silently waiting for the fixed time when her fallow 
soil should receive the seed of liberty. It has taken one hun- 
di-ed years to f uUy perfect its fruit ; the people who have fed 
upon it will never consent to hve without it. We do well 
to honor one who helped to plant it. In doing this we also 
honor those who helped to perfect it. And here it seems not 
unfitting this occasion to suggest to Lenox people my hope 
that in the near future they will place on the brow of yonder 
hill a statue of Major William D wight Sedgwick. He was 
born and reared here ; it was his home till manhood ; when 
the war began he left Missouri and came to Lenox, because 
he said he wished to fight among Massachusetts men. He 
was a very able and enthusiastic soldier ; was promoted from 
the line of the famous 2d Massachusetts to the staff of noble 
John Sedgwick, commander of the famous 6tli Corps ; he fell 
at Antietam in September, 1862. He was a great, stalwart, 
noble man, a loyal lover of Lenox. I drove him to Pitts- 
field on his way to his regiment ; the next time I saw him 
was in his coffin, in his mother's house yonder. We came 
from a Pittsfield camp, and bore him to Stockbridge for 
burial on a lovely autumn afternoon. As we parted from 
him at the grave the sun was just sinking behind the west- 
ern hills, the full harvest moon rising in the east — beautifid 
symbol of a glorious death, strong assurance of a glorious 
resurrection. The two memorials would complete your 
goodly record. They would tell the story I have tried to teU 
more powerfully than any tongue or pen, and repeat it to 
your boys and girls for many generations. 

History makes comrades all who fought for liberty. As a 
comrade of the Grand Army I am here to pay honor to a 





THE PATERSON-EGLESTON MONUMENT, LENOX, MASS. 



APPENDIX. 271 

comrade. As a Companion of the Military Order of the 
Loyal Legion, a lineal descendant of the order of the Cincin- 
nati founded by Washington and his oflBcers, I come here 
to do honor to an original member of that order. As a na- 
tive of Lenox I feel it to be a rare pri^dlege to take any part 
in dedicating this fine memorial of one of the most distin- 
guished in her long roll of able, eminent citizens. 

" Be proud 1 for she is saved, and all have helped to save her— 
She that lifts up the manhood of the poor. 
She of the open soul and open door. 
With room about her hearth for all mankind. 
The fire is dreadful in her eyes, no more— 
From her bold front the helm she doth unbind. 
Sends all her handmaid armies back to spin. 
And bids her navies hold their thunders in; 
No challenge sends she to the elder world 
That looked askance and hated : a light scorn 
Plays o'er her mouth, as round her mighty knees 
She calls her children back, and waits the morn 
Of nobler day, enthroned between her subject seas. " 

After the address the " Regulars " gave an exhibition di-ill, and were 
followed by the Pittsfield cadets, who showed great skill and discipline 
and called out gi-eat applause by their very rapid and well-executed ma- 
neuvers. The Lee cadets gave a drill in the evening. They made a fine 
showing and elicited a great deal of applause. 

In the evening Colonel Auehmuty gave a dinner at the Curtis Hotel to 
the U. S. Regulars, Company M. of Adams, the F. M. T. A. cadets, and 
the guests of the occasion. After-dinner speeches were made by E. S. 
Barrett of Concord, Captain Wetherell, U. S. N., Joseph Ward Lewis of 
the Journal of Pittsfield, Selectman McDonald of Lenox, Captain Mar- 
shall, and Mr. Fitzgerald of the Pittsfield cadets. Late in the evening 
the company dispersed. 

The monument is sho\^^l in the engraving opposite to this page. 
The foundation is laid in cement, and is 8 feet deep and 11 feet 
square. This base is protected on the corners by four stones cut out 
so as to surround the angles at the corners, 6 inches on each side. 
The bottom base is 9 feet square and 14 inches in height, and weighs 
16,500 pounds. The second base is 6 feet 8 inches square and 1 foot high, 
and weighs 7700 pounds. The third base is 4 feet 8^ inches square and 
is 15 inches high, and weighs 4500 pounds. The die is 3 feet 9 inches 
square at the base and 3 feet 7 inches sqiiare at the top and 4 feet 2 
inches high, and weighs 9800 pounds. The cap is 4 feet 8 inches square, 
14 inches high, and weighs 4100 pounds. The shaft is 3 feet square at 
the base, 1 foot 10 inches square at the top, and is 21 feet 9 inches high, 



272 APPENDIX. 

and weighs 9500 pounds. The total height of the monument is 30 feet 6 
inches, and the total weight is 52,100 pounds. The monument is in pol- 
ished granite from Quincy, Mass. It is placed so that the name of Pater- 
son faces north. The shaft is ornamented on the north and south sides 
with the flag of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, crossed with the United 
States flag, the stars and alternate stripes of which are in polished gran- 
ite. The die is ornamented on the north side with the name of Paterson, 
with two flint-lock muskets and two cannon swabs crossed behind it, with 
a pile of ten cannon-balls and two stars, the insignia of his rank as Major- 
General. On the upper base are two swords crossed, and on the lower 
one are the words, "Erected in 1892 by Thomas Egleston." The inscrip- 
tion which is given below is on the east side. 

IN MEMORY OF 

MAJOR GENERAL JOHN PATERSON, 

Son of COLONEL JOHN PATERSON. 
Born 1744, Died 1808. 

And ELIZABETH LEE His Wife. 
Born 1749, Died 1841. 

He was born in New Britain, Conn. Graduated at Yale College in 1762. ' 

He entered the law in his native town. He was married June 2nd 1766. 

In 1774 he moved to Lenox and was chosen a member of the Berkshire 

Convention July 1774. Represented this town in the General Court, which 

became the first Provincial Congress in 1774, and also in the second 

Provincial Congress in 1775. Was made Colonel of a regiment he raised 

in 177.5 and was one of the first in the field with it after the battle of 

Lexington and defended Boston from an attack in the rear during the 

battle. Was complimented by Washington in general orders, Nov. 10, 1775. 

In April 1776 was ordered to Staten Island and from there to Canada. 

Was in the battle of the Cedars. Crossed the Delaware with Washington 

Dec. 25, 1776, and was in the battles of Trenton and Princeton. Was made 

Brigadier General Feb. 21. 1777. Assisted in the capture of Burgoyne 

October 1777 and was in the battle and council of Monmouth in 1778. 

In 1780 he commanded West Point and was on the trial of Major Andre. 

He was in most of the decisive battles of the Revolution and served 

during the whole war. He was one of the founders of the society of the 

Cincinnati in May 178.3 and on September 30, 1783, he was made Major 

General. After the war he returned to Lenox and was a most public 

spirited citizen. In 1786 he commanded the Massachusetts troops in 

putting down Shays' rebellion. In 1790 he moved to Lisle, New York, 

where he died. He was four years a member of the N.Y. General Assembly. 

In 1801 was a member of the committee to revise the constitution of 

New York State. Was appointed Chief Justice of Broome Co., N.Y. 

He served in the U.S. Congress in 18a3 to 180.5. He died July 9, 1808, in 

the full vigor of manhood, in the pursuit of duty, in the service of the country 

he had so ably defended. He was a soldier, a patriot and a statesman. 

His remains lie in the churchyard. In gratitude for his public services 

and in recognition of his private virtues this monument is erected. 



AITEXDIX. 



273 



On the south side is the same oniamentatiou for the shaft, with the 
name "Egleston," and with the same ornamentation on the die, except 
the stars; and on the west side is the inscription which is given below 
relating to the Revolutionary services of Azariah Egleston, who wa^* Gen- 
eral Paterson's son-in-law, and, like him, served during the whole of the 
Revolutionary War. 

IX MEMORY OF 

MAJOR AZARIAH EGLESTON. 

Born 1757, Died 1822. 

And HANNAH PATERSON His Wife. 
Born 17.59, Died 1803. 

On April 22. 177.5. in anticipation of the breaking out of the Revolution 

he enlisted as a private in the reKi.nent of Col. John Paterson and was 

active in Hu ucing others to enlist. He marched with the regiment immJcHatelv 

after the battle of Le.xington and went with it to Canada, when he e'Sted 

for the whole waiv He was in the battle of the Cedars. Crossed the 

Delaware with U ashuigton Dec. 2.5. 1776. and was in the battles of 

Princeton and Trenton. In 1777 he served against Burgoyne and was in 

both the battlesof Bemis Heights, and was at Saratoga' wl^enSurlo;;: 

surrendered. He was promoted to the rank of Ensign May 18. 1776, by 

John Hancock. He was with Washington at Valley Forge, where he was 

promoted to the rank of Lieutenant. In 1778 he was in the battle o7 
Monmoutl. and the siege of Newport. On March 7, 1770, was promoted to 
the rank of Major and served on the staflf of Gen. Ashley and (L^^l 

Lenox. In hH,he served in .Suays" rebellion. He was Deputv Quartermaster 

General under Gen Paterson in 1787 and afterwards under Gen Ashlev He 

was a friend of Washington. Kosciosko and Lafayette and was one o thf 

founders ot the Society of the Cincinnati. After the war he made Lenox a 

prominent centre of education. He was as public spirited after Se war as he 

had been patriotic during it and was noted for hi hospitality. His house 

was the headquarters for army otficers and men of lite ature and learnhg 

s^at rri- hf ""' ^"'' ""r' """""^"^ ^"'- *^^ ^-'l «^ '^^ tow^rthe 

In 17% 1 <r' l4"T,T'o::?*''' *""'""" "' '''' P^"^^ ^""'^ '•^^'Srned in 1808. 
18(7 '<S'- n 1 'ikI^ r V'' '^''' '^'''^'' Representative in Boston. In 

180.. 180h and 1809 he was elected State Senator. In 1808 he was appointed 

^n the fi , •"?,"" 1 *'' '"^"''^ '" '^^^'°'^^- D"t>-' -^-ther to the 'ountry 

serv/i I] "V'''-V'-.'" '"^^ ""'^'^ '" '^' legislature, to the town in public 

services or the amily m his home, was never forgotten. His life was ful of 

patriotic actions for the country and generous deeds to his neighbors- 

His remains he in the churchyard. In memory of his public services 

and his private virtues this monument is erected. 

The monument stands directly in view of the town hall which General 
Pa erson was .so active in building, and opposite to the house in which 
he lived, on the line of the roads which Major Egleston laid out. It forms 



274 APPENDIX. 

a very beautiful and graceful object at the head of Court-house Hill, and 
serves to keep alive the Revolutionary memories in which Lenox took so 
prominent a part. The Egleston house at this date is the only Revolu- 
tionary memento that is left in the town. 

At the annual town meeting held in Lenox on April 3, 1893, the fol- 
lowing resolution was proposed : 

" Voted to accept the monument to General John Paterson erected in 
this town by Mr. Egleston, and to tender a vote of thanks to Mr. Egleston 
for the same. 

'' [A true copy.] 

"I. J. Newton, Town Clerk." 



LIST OF BOOKS AND MANUSCRIPTS FROM WHICH INFOR- 
MATION HAS BEEN OBTAINED. 

In Albany : 
The Records of the State of New York. 

In New York City: 

Orderly-book of the Northern Army at Ticonderoga. 
Tui-nbuU's History of Cuba. 
Hayard's Cuba with Pen and Pencil. 
Justamonde's History of the Indies. 
Parker's History of Londonderry, N. H. 

- Riddel's Memorials of the Revolution. 
Barber's Historical Collections of Connecticut. 
History of Ancient Windsor. 

Hayen's History of Billerica. 
Temple's History of Northfield. 
Barber's History of Connecticut. 

- Bugbee's Memorials of the Massachusetts Society of the Cincinnati. 
Winsor's NaiTative and Critical History of America. 
Hamilton's History of the American Republic. 

. Gordon's History of the Revolution. 

_ Saffield's Records of the Revolutionary War. 

Dawson's Battles of the United States by Sea and Land. 
_ Carrington's Battles of the American Revolution. 

Surgeon James Thatcher's Journal. 



APPENDIX. 275 

Foiee's Amerieau Archives. 
_- Muiisell's Historical Series. 

New England Historical and Genealogical Register. 
Harper's Cyclopa'dia of United States History. 
Drake's Dictionary of American Biography. 

— Journals of Congress. 

Werner's Civil List of Constitutional History of New York. 
^ Boynton's History of West Point Military Academy. 
..^--Ruttenber's Defenses of the Hudson. 
^ Manuscript Map of the Camp, 1782-83. 
Sparks' Life of Washington. 

— Sparks' Writings of Washington. 

—-Whiting's Revolutionary Orders of General Washington (compiled from 
the Manuscripts of Lieutenant Whiting). 

— Gardner's Dictionary of Officers of the American Array. 
Hamersley's OflScial Register of Army and Navy Officers of the United 

States. 

Hamersley's Army Register of the United States, 1779 to 1879. 
^- Lieutenant Fogg's Orderly-book in General Poor's Regiment. 
_.^ Washington's Letters. 

Kapp's Life of Baron Steuben. 

General Heath's Memoirs (by himself). 

Sargent's Life of Major Andr(5. 

Drake's Burgoyne's Invasion. 

Stone's Campaigns of Lieutenant-General John Burgoyne. 

Barber's Historical Collections of Massachusetts. 

Minot's Select Tracts of Insurrections in Massachusetts. 

Journals of the Pro\incial Congi-esses of Massachusetts in 1774-75. 

Journal of Committee of Safety of Provincial Congress. 

Johnston's Connecticut in the Revolution. 

Johnston's Yale in the Revolution, u 

Bugbee's History of the Cincinnati. 

Schuyler's Institution of the Society of the Cincinnati. 

Camp's History of New Britain. 

History of Berkshire Co., Mass. 

Address on the Life of John Paterson, by W. H. Lee. 

History of Hartford Co. (2 vols. 4to). 

Fisk's History of the American Revolution (2 vols.). 

Minot's History of the Insurrections in Massachusetts. 

Barry's History of Massachusetts. 

The French War and the Revolution. Sloane. 

Three Episodes in ]\Iassachusetts History. Adams. 

Storer's Records of Freemasonry. 

Wilkinson's Annals of Binghampton, New York. 



27G APPENDIX. 



In Boston: 

Frothingham's Seige of Boston. 

Eeeords of Provincial Congresses. 

^-^ Massachixsetts Court Records. 

^__ Historical Manuscripts in State House, Boston. 

— Massachusetts Manuscript Archives in the State House. 
General Wilkinson's Memoirs. 

_, Drake's Massachusetts Cincinnati. 

In Camhridge : 
^ — Miscellaneous Manuscripts in the Harvard College Library. 

In Hartford: 

Connecticut Colonial Records. 
The Connecticut War Archives. 
Hartford Probate Records. 
Wethersfield Town Records. 
Wetherstield Church Records. 
Newington Records. 
Camps' History of New Britain. 

In Worcester: 
Worcester Magazine. 
Massachusetts Spy (Antiquarian Society, Worcester). 

— Garrison's Orders (Antiquarian Society, Worcester). 
General Schuyler's Orderly-book. 

— Captain Cushing's Orderly-book. 
Washington's Diary. 

More than 250 volumes were consulted, but these are the only ones in 
which anything was found. Most of the information had been copied 
from one to the other. 



THE PATERSON GENEALOGY. 

The Paterson family, as has been mentioned, is of Scotch descent. 
There are at the present time, according to Burke's Peerage, seven fam- 
ilies in Scotland whose armorial bearings show that they are related to 
one another. Five of those families spell the name with one t, one spells 
it with either one or two, while only one spells it with two. There is no 



APPENDIX. 277 

record that any ancestor or member of General Paterson's family ever 
spelled the name with more than one t. It is so spelled by his grand- 
father, father, and himself. In the records of the county of Hartford, 
Conn., and in some of the pi'inted documents and notices, the name is 
sometimes spelled with two fs; but it must be remembered that these 
cannot be taken as authority. They are the spelling of clerks who were 
sometimes so careless that the name is spelled both ways in the same 
document.* In former centuries but little attention was paid to the 
spelling of names, it being considered as of very little importance. In- 
stances have been known where from sheer carelessness the names of 
families have become so altered in the spelling as to have become in less 
than three centuries scarcely recognizable. This carelessness in spelling 
has made the searches in documents very difficult, and in one or two in- 
stances a seai'ch lasting many months, carried on in the libraries of three 
different cities, has finally proven that the person referred to in the docu- 
ment was not General John Paterson, but a member of an entirely different 
family. Several times persons wishing to aid me have sent me references 
to a British officer of the same name. There was a British Colonel Pat- 
erson ser%'ing in and about New York and Boston while John Paterson 
was a colonel, and this same officer was made a general, and served in 
and about New York while General John Paterson was on duty in the 
Highlands. But these are only a few of the difficulties that have arisen. 
Frequently the wrong spelling of the name has made it so difficult to dis- 
tinguish the person that without strong corroborative evidence the in- 
cident would have had to be thrown out. Once a fact that had been ac- 
cepted and published as true had to be discarded, as the official records 
showed that General Paterson at the time was in a different State. 

General Paterson's descendants are now scattered all over this coun- 
try. It has not been easy to find the addresses of all of them, but in 
order to get the requisite information persons living from Vermont to the 
southern part of California have been corresponded with. Nothing like 
a complete record has ever before been made. A manuscript containing 
an imperfect record was prepared by the late Dr. Charles Seymour; 
after his death it passed into the hands of the late Dr. William Patterson, 
and is now in the possession of the Connecticut Histoi'ical Society of 
Hartford, Conn. ; but it is very incomplete, and lacks entirely the record 
of two or three of General Paterson's children. This record is more com- 
plete than any that has been made up to this time. That it is not en- 
tirely complete is owing to the impossibility of getting the information, 

* In July, 1892, I had occasion to show on pages 8 and 9 of volume xxiii. 
of the Record of the New York Genealogical and Biographical Society, in 
an article on Major Azariah Egleston, that the name "Bagot " was spelled 
nineteen different ways, and sometimes three ways in the same document. 



\ 



278 APPENDIX. 

although more than two years have been spent in collecting it. In com- 
piling this genealogical tree two conflicting dates have frequently been sent 
to me, in which case the date given by the gi-eatest number of persons, 
or that which seems to have the best authority, has been accepted. Some 
of the descendants have been at gi*eat pains to furnish the records of their 
branches. I am especially indebted to Mrs. R. Bates, of Parma Center, 
N. Y. ; Mrs. Harriet Shelton, of Topeka, Kan. ; Mrs. F. Bemis, of Daven- 
port, la. ; Mrs. F. G. Dean, of Newark Valley, N. Y. ; Mr. H. Wistar Rugg, 
of Olean, N. Y. ; Dr. M. L. Baxter, of Derby Line, Vt. ; Mrs. F. V. Wood- 
biu-y, of Passadena, Cal. ; and Miss M. P. Kilborn, of Spencerport, N. Y. 



INDEX. 



Adams (Mass.) and Williamstown, Gen. ' 
Paterson disperses the rebels from, 
194. 

Adams. John: defends the soldiers in 
Boston, 15 ; on sutferings of the army. 
61 ; on a committee to collect evi- 
dence about the surrender of Ticon- 
deroga. 8.3. 

Adams, Samuel : moves a committee of 
correspondence. l(i ; arrest of. ordered, 
2;^; proposes a Continental ('oiigress. 
24 : one of a committee to address the 
Mohawk and the Stockbridge Indians, 
40; proscribed, 44; and Hancock not 
corruptible by Gov. Gage. 44 ; thinks 
independence necessary, 57. 

Agrippa (" <4rippy '') Hull, Gen. Pater- 
son's servant. 142. 

Albany: colonial congress at, in 1754, 
10 ; to be taken by Burgoyne, 75 ; Bur- 
goyne determines to capture, 85. 

Albeniarle. Lord: commands the army 
sent to Martinique, 4; commands the 
army against Havana. 4. 

Allen. Parson, comes to Bennington. 84. 

America. Gladstone's opinion of, 140. 

Ames. Moses, signs a petition about 
wolves, 150. 

Amherst, Gen. Sir Jeffrey : commands 
expedition against Canada, 3, 4 ; com- 
mands expedition to Martinique, 4 ; 
advises the king to send reinforce- 
ments, 93. 

Amnesty : unconditional, granted after 
thesurrenderof Burgoyne, 89; offered 
the rebels on condition of taking the 
oath, 175 ; offered the insurgents Feb. 
10, 1787, 193 ; general, refused, 204. 

Amusements. 217. 

Andrews. David, bond of, as paymaster 
with Major Paterson. 238. 

Arms taken from every one but sol- 
diers, 116. 

Army : composed of men who were not 
soldiers. 56 ; had to be created and 
constantly made over. 56 ; a new one 
to be enlisted. 58 ; a regular, not yet 
made, 71 ; organization of. begun 
again after Saratoga. 91 : went home 
after Saratotri. 95 ; a large standing, 
not possible, jo ; condition of. de- 



scribed by Washington. 95; only real 
representative of iinity, 97; loss in, 
from sickness and exposure, 97 ; a 
standing, not allowed, 109 ; not paid 
in 1779, 113 : in 1779 sustains itself by 
foraging, 113; disbanded. 137. 

Arnold, B.: letter to, by the Commis- 
sioners, about small-pox, 62 ; at Sara- 
toga, 87 ; replaced by Gen. Lincoln, 
87 ; at Bemis' Heights. 87, 88 ; treason 
of. 119. 

Arsenal at Springfield to be attacked, 
173. 

Ashley. Col. John : signs a petition 
about small-pox. 148 ; replies to Gen. 
Paterson, 171. 

Assembly : not convened by the govern- 
or. 14 ; of Virginia dissolved by the 
governor, 25. 

Avery. John : orders the delivery of 
arms to Col. Paterson's regiment, 71 ; 
.iuiiior secretary, 151. 

Baggage train of the British in 1778, 
101. 

Bail available for the criminal but not 
for the delitor, 160. 

Balcarras, Earl, intrenchments of, as- 
saulted. 87. 

Ball. John, interest in lands in Maine, 
152. 

Bank of England founded by William 
Paterson, 1. 

Barker. James, signs a petition about 
small-pox. 148. 

Barren Hill. Lafayette at, 100. 

Bates. Edward, wounded. 113. 

Battles : of Bunker Hill. 51 ; of Moore's 
Creek. 63; of Trenton, 68. 69: of 
Princeton, 69; of Bennington, 75; of 
Freeman's Farm, 86, 87 ; of Sara- 
toga, 87 ; of Stillwater, 87 ; of Bemis' 
Heights. 87 : of Monmouth, councils 
previous to. 101. 

Bedel. Colonel, his regiment at the 
Cedars to be inoculated. 62. 

Bement. E.. of Great Barrington, tar-_ 
dily paid. 125. 

Bemis' Heights : situation of, 86 ; battles 
of, 87. 

Bennington : liattle of, 75 ; battle of, 
swells the ranks of the Americans, 

'9 



280 



INDEX. 



85; defeat at, disheartens Burgoyne, 
85. 

Berkshire Convention, 23, 26. 

Berkshire County : settlers of, where 
from, 8 ; resists taxation without rep- 
resentation, 22; part of Hampshire 
County up to 1761, 27 ; appoints John 
Paterson to advise the Committee of 
Safety and Supplies al>out the ap- 
pointment of officers, 42 ; towns dis- 
like inociilation, 61 ; courts in, not to 
be held, 173 ; insurgents in, 184. 

Berkshire regiment : how composed, 36 ; 
marches immediately after the battle 
at Concord, 36. 

Bernard, Governor: orders £400 to be 
paid by the Assembly, 5 ; misrepre- 
sents the colonies, 13 ; requires Mas- 
sachusetts to rescind the circular let- 
ter, 13 ; recalled and made knight, 15. 

Bill of Rights asserted by the discon- 
tented, 162. 

Bird, Joseph, father of Ruth Paterson, 
2. 

Bird, Ruth, married Major Paterson, 2. 

Bishop, Nath., signs a petition about 
small-pox, 148. 

Blake, Joseph, interest in lands in 
Maine, 152. 

Books consulted, list of, 274. 

Bordentown, burning of stores at, 96. 

Boston : declared rebellious, and troops 
sent there, 13, 14 ; troops withdrawn 
from, 14, 15, 16 ; tea ships sent to, 17 ; 
anuy about, increased, 32; town-meet- 
ing of March 5, 1775, 44 ; size of anny 
besieging, 56; news that the troops 
were coming received at, 57 ; evacua- 
tion of, by the British, 60; resolves 
to sustain the governor, 172; mer- 
chants make a loan to the State, 176, 

Boston Common, troops encamped on, 
14. 

Boston massacre. 14. 

Boston Neck fortified by Gov. Gage, 29. 

Boston Port Bill, 19; reaches Boston, 
22 ; day of going into effect made a 
fast, 23, 

Boston Purchase, 221, 

Boston Tea Party, IS ; considered by 
some unwarranted, by others a splen- 
djd act, 19 ; how regarded in England, 
19. 

Bowdoin, Governor: commission of, to 
Gen. Paterson, 151 ; calls a convention 
for a separate government of Maine, 
153 ; visits the other govei'nors, 201 ; 
refuses to have his salary reduced, 
202 ; resigns, 204 ; as governor, 206 ; 
our debt to him, 208. 

Bradish, E., unjustly accused, and re- 
ceived a certiticate to that effect, 42. 

Brandywine, defeat at, 76, 

Bristol courts prevented from sitting, 
170. 



British : plan of campaign for 1777, 75 » 
government repeal all oppressive acts 
after surrender of Burgoyne, 89 ; loss 
at Saratoga, 91 ; troops threaten to 
mutiny in 1778, 93 ; afraid of being 
blockaded in Philadelphia, 100: after 
Monmouth act on the defensive, 106 ; 
depend on their fleets, 110 ; fear an 
attack on New York over the ice, 126. 

Broome County, Gen. Paterson chief- 
justice in, 223. 

Brown, John, agent to collect news in 
Canada, 38. 

Brown, Justin, administers oath to John 
Paterson, 7. 

Brunson. \Vm., signs a petition about 
small-pox, 148. 

Bunker Hill: taken possession of by 
order of the Committee of Safety, 50 ; 
battle of, 51 ; American loss in, 52 ; 
British loss in, 52 ; a few such British 
victories would have destroyed the 
British army, 52 ; Burgoyne starts on 
the second anniversary of, 76, 

Burgoyne : determines to take Albany, 
75 ; receives the news of St. Leger's 
defeat, 75 ; takes the field. 76 ; confi- 
dent of capturing the whole American 
army, 81 ; crosses the Hudson, 85 ; 
disheartened by his defeat at Ben- 
nington, 85 ; strives to retrieve the 
prestige of the British army after 
Bennington, 85; retreat cut off, 87; 
retreats across the Fishkill, 88 ; starts 
for Fort Edward. 88 ; sends a flag of 
truce to Gen. Gage, 89 ; surrenders, 89. 

Burial done with feet to the east, 215. 

Butter, value of, in 1780, 122. 

Cambridge : Second Provincial Con- 
gress meets at, 37; attack on, feared 
by Gen. Ward, 52 ; defended by Col. 
Paterson, 53 ; Washington's situation 
at, in October. 1775, critical, 58 ; can- 
non from Ticonderoga arrive at, 60 ; 
court at, protected, 175, 

Campaign, British, for 1777, 75. 

Canada : John Brown sent to coUect 
men in, 38 ; invasion of, determined 
on, 57 ; abandoned by Burgoyne, 85 ; 
rebels seek aid in vain from, 203. 

Cannon from Ticonderoga sent to Bos- 
ton. 60. 

Carleton retreats from Crown Point, 75. 

Castle William in Boston Harbor, 14. 

Cedars, battle of the. Col. Paterson's 
loss at, 62. 

Charles II.: grants a charter to Massar 
chusetts Bay, 20 ; petitioned about the 
charter, 21. 

Charleston, S. C: tea ships sent to, 17; 
tea spoiled at, 18. 

Charter : of Connecticut, when granted, 
5; of Massachusetts Bay Co., sur- 
render of, demanded, 20, i.54 ; of Mas- 
sachusetts, a new one granted by 



INDEX. 



281 



William and Mary, 21 : demanded, but 
not surrendered, 21 ; vacated in 1(J8G, 
21 : of Massachusetts Bay Co. attacked, 
lo-t : declared void, 154. 
Chatham, Lord: wishes to avoid the 
war, 25 : wishes a repeal of oppressive 
laws, 32 ; speech of, in 1778, 93 ; death 
of, 93. 
Children, military play of. 220. 
ChUds, Dr. Timothy, urges inoculation, I 

61. 
Churchyard hired out, 215. 
Cincinnati. Society of the: formation 
of, 145; Gen. Paterson president and 
vice-president of the Massachusetts 
society, 145. 
Circular letters .sent by Massachusetts 

to the other colonie.s, 1,3. 
Clarendon, Lord, grants charter to Con- 
necticut, 3. 
Clemency refused after June 29, 1787, ' 

204. ' 

Clinton, Sir H.: communicates the con- 
ciliatory bills to Congress, 94 ; evacu- 
ates Philadelphia, 101 ; wishes to avoid 
fighting, 102; attacks Lee at Mon- 
mouth, 102 ; attacks Wayne at Mon- 
mouth, 103 ; attacks tlie left wing at 
Monmoutli, 104; fears an attack on 
New York, 127; tUscovers that Wash- 
ington has started south, 127. 
Clothes, value of a suit in 1780, 122. 
Cobb, General, his reply to the rioters 

at Taunton, 170. 
Coffee, value of, in 1780, 122. 
Cole, Lieut. Thomas, aide-de-camp to 

Gen. Paterson, 124. 
Colonial Congress : first proposed, 11; 
governor's idea of, 11 ; people's idea 
of, 11. 
Colonies : governed by Lords of Trade, 
9; relations with England peact-ful. 
11 ; all represented in the Continental 
Congress, 48. 
Colonists : wish only redress, 57 ; a com- 
mercial company, 211. 
Commerce thought to be the importa- 
tion of luxuries, 165. 
Committee of correspondence : moved 
for by Samuel Adams, 16; ask for 
advice about tea. 17 ; issue a circular 
letter to all the colonies, 22. 
Committee of Safety : commission John 
Paterson as colonel, .36 ; John Pater- 
son on a committee to revise its com- 
mission, 37 ; order Bunker Hill to be 
occupied, 50 ; send Col. Paterson arms 
o4. 
Committee of Safety and Supplies, John 
Paterson to advise, about officers from 
Berkshire, 42. 
■^^ommission for peace : arrive June. 
1778, 93; issue a proclamation, 94; 
not received by Congress, 94 ; return 
to Europe. 94. 



Commission of pardons restore 791 per- 
sons, 202. 
Commissioners ; given power to suspend 
acts of Parliament. 89; appointed to 
grant pardons, 202. 
Commissions not sent by the Provin- 
cial Court. 55. 
Commutation of pay a grievance. 162. 
Concord : troops sent to, to arrest Adams 
and Hancock, 44; and Lexington 
battles of, result in Gov. Gage being 
besieged in Boston, 45 ; courts pre- 
vented from sitting. 170. 
Congress: of all colonies advocated in 
lio4 Ijut failed. 10 ; of colonies called 
at Albany in 1754. 10; colonial, first 
proposed, 11 ; colonial, governor's idea 
of, 11; colonial, people's idea of. 11; 
a general, called to protest against 
the Stamp Act, 12; at Worcester in 
Itii, 24 ; an annual, proposed, 25: as- 
sembles at Philadelphia, 29 ; Provin- 
cial, organized. 31 ; Provincial. Gov 
Gage's reply to, 31 ; Provincial, guiltv 
of treasan. 31 ; Continental and Pro- 
vincial, held in 1774. 32 ; made Decla- 
ration of Independence possible. 33 ; 
Provincial, supported by the towns' 
35 ; First Provincial, whv dissolved, 
36; Second Provincial, assumes the 
government. 42; Second Provincial, 
delegates summoned to return, 44 ; 
Second Provincial, adjourns, 45 ;' 
Third Provincial, meets at Water- 
town, 47 ; Continental, meets in Phila- 
delphia, 47; Continental, provincial 
congresses surrender their powers to, 
48; Continental, represents all the 
colonies, 48; Provincial, how to be 
considered. 49 ; Third Provincial, peti- 
tioned by Col. Paterson for supplies, 
53 ; Provincial, neglects to send com- 
missions, .55 ; sends men from Penn- 
sylvania, Maryland, and Virginia to 
Boston, 56 ; petitions the king, 57 ; 
resolves to send no more petitions to 
the king, 57 ; not willing to declare 
for independence, 57; Provincial, or- 
ganized in North Carolina, 63 ; Conti- 
nental, advises each colonvto form a 
government, 63; Continental, issues 
letters of marque, 63; Continental, 
assembles at Philadelphia, 64; morti- 
fied ))y the surrender of Ticonderoga, 
81 ; investigates the surrender of 
Ticonderoga, 81. 82; to dictate terms 
of peace. 93 ; refuses to receive the 
comniis-sioners, 94; a body without 
power, 94; faith in, lost. 94; Conti- 
nental, did not represent the country, 
97 ; will treat only on l)asis of inde- 
pendence. 97 ; could not impose taxes, 
109; without money in 1779, 110; is- 
sues '• fiat " moneV. 121 ; redeems 
bonds in 1780, 122; did not command 



282 



INDEX. 



the confidence of the people, 138: 
movement to compel it to fulfill its 
obligations. 139 ; spends part of the 
debt. 139 ; asked to defend its arsenal 
and to commission Gen. Lincoln. 201 ; 
Gen. Paterson in, 223. 

Congressional currency, amount of, 94. 

Connecticut : charter of, when granted, 
5 ; number of men from, at Boston, 56. 

Consignees of tea ships in Boston re- 
fuse to resign. 17. 

Constitution of Massachusetts not to be 
amended until 1795, a cause of griev- 
ance, 1(54. 

Continental Congress : proposed by the 
Sons of Liberty, 24 ; delegates to, ap- 
pointed, 24; a second one appointed 
for May 11, 1775, 25; assembles at 
Philadelphia, 25, 29, 47, 64 ; provincial 
congresses surrender their powers to, 
48 ; First, represents all the colonies, 
48 ; issues letters of marqiie, 63 ; ad- 
vises each colony to form a separate 
government, 63. 

Continental currency counterfeits, 109. 

Continental money, value of, in 1778, 
110. 

Conventions: called at Boston, 14; in 
Berkshire County, 23 ; at Worcester, 
24 ; at Stockbridge. 26 ; the Berkshire, 
26 ; county, 26 ; in Suffolk County, 29 ; 
county, held in 1774, 32 ; county, made 
Declaration of Independence possible, 
33 ; in Worcester and Suffolk Coun- 
ties, 162; in Hatfield, 163; at Deer- 
field, 163 ; called to discuss grievances, 
166 ; at first respectable. 167 ; in Hamp- 
shire County, 167 ; at Hatfield, Hamp- 
ton Co., definition of Uberty at, 167; 
called at Worcester, 167, 175 ; at Lenox, 
169; in Middlesex County, 170. 

Corn, value of, in 1780. 122. 

Cornwallis. Lord : asks leave to go to 
England, 68 ; anxious for his supplies, 
retreats, 70, surrenders, 70. 

Council : of war in 1778. 96 ; previotis to 
the battle of Monmouth, 106 ; for New 
England surrenders its charter, 155. 

Counterfeits of continental currency, 
109. 

Country loses faith in Congress. 94. 

Court, General : called by Gov. Gage, 
29 ; order for. rescinded by Gov. Gage, 
29 ; revocation of the order for, causes 
great dissatisfaction, 30 ; counter- 
proclamation of the governor disre- 
garded, 30 : to be held at Salem, 30 ; 
waits one day for the governor, 31 ; 
assembles on October 5, 1 774. 31 ; at- 
tempts relief, 161 ; called for Feb. 3. 
1787, indorses Gen. Lincoln, 183; of- 
fers rewards for the arrest of insur- 
gents, 193. 

Cotirt, Superior, empowered to try per- 
sons obstructing the laws, 174. 



Court-house in Lenox : when completed, 
147 ; subscription to build, 238. 

Courts: closed in 1774, not opened till 
1780, 25; re-established in 1780, .32; 
law, prejudice against, 159 ; a rich 
man's remedy, 162; obstructed, 166; 
sitting of, prevented at Springfield, 
168 ; governor calls on the citizens to 
protect them, 168; prevented at North- 
ampton, 168 ; prevented from sitting 
at Worcester, Concord, Taunton, and 
Bristol, 170; prevented at Great Bar- 
rington, 171 ; prevented at Spi'ing- 
field, 173 ; in Berkshire County not. 
to be held, 173; prevented at Cam- 
bridge, 175 ; prevented at Springfield 
and Worcester, 170. 

Crane, Col. John, signs a petition to 
Congress, 132. 

Criminal could be bailed but the debtor 
not, 160. 

Crown Point : sufferings of the army 
at, 61 : surrenders to the Americans, 
64; abandoned by the British, 65; 
Carleton's retreat from, 75. 

Cumpston, Edw., second lieutenant in 
Col. Paterson's regiment, asks for his- 
commission, 55. 

Currency : congressional, amount of, 94; 
of the country debased, 158. 

Ctishing. Thomas, one of a committee 
to address the Mohawk and the Stock- 
bridge Indians, 40. 

Danforth, Joshua, aide-de-camp to Gen. 
Paterson, 156. 

Darien canal, Wm. Paterson's remarks- 
on, 1. 

Dauphin of France, birth of, celebrated, 
128. 

Day, Luke: insurgent forces under, at 
West Springfield, 178 ; his character, 
180 ; an abler man than Shays, 180 
cannot co-operate with Shays, 180 
irritated at Shays' failure, is routed 
by Gen. Lincoln, 182; not to be par- 
doned, 202. 

Debt: after the war, 139; war. how to 
be paid. 139 ; of Massachusetts in 1786, 
159 ; of the State shown to be i-eason- 
able, 175. 

Debtor could not be bailed, 160. 

Debtor laws : severity of, 158 ; not ame- 
liorated bv the constitution of 1780, 
160. 

Debts, by the law of 1782 made payable 
in cattle or produce, 166. 

Declaration of Independence: made 
possible, 33 ; accepted last by New 
York. 63 ; made after eleven years of 
unprovoked irritation, 63; never re- 
considered. 64. 

Deerfield convention, 163. 

De Grasse, Count, enters the Chesa- 
peake. 127. 

Diary of Gen. Paterson, 241. 



INDEX. 



283 



Dobbs' Ferry, Gen. Paterson erects a 
block-house at. 118. 

Dollar : paper, value of in 1778, 121 ; 
silver, value of in 178(5. 1.58. 

Domestic life self-dependent. 219. 

Dorchester Heights fortified. 60. 

Douglas. Capt. Asa : in Col. Paterson's 
regiment, 46 ; letter about Ticonder- 
oga, 73, 74. 

Duballet. John, interest in lands in 
Maine. 1-52. 

Duning, Benjamin, signs a petition 
about wolves, 150. 

Duties, except tea, repealed, 15. 

Egleston, Azariah : in Col. Paterson's 
regiment, 45; deputy-quartermaster- 
general. 15(); maiTies Hannah Pater- 
son. 225; notice of, 225; inscription 
on the Paterson-Egleston monument, 
273. 

Egleston, Thomas : puts up a tablet in 
Trinitj' Church, Lenox, 225 : erects 
headstones in the cemetery, 228 ; 
erects monument in the town, 228 ; 
speech at unveiling of the monument, 
2.51. 

Ellery, Jane, witness to Major Pater- 
son's bond. 238. 

Ellsworth, Oliver, friend of Gen. Pater- 
son. 6. 

Ely. Justin, signs a petition about 
wolves, 150. 

Ely, Samuel, riot made by, in 1782, 16.3. 

Emmons, Nathaniel, friend of Gen. Pat- 
erson, 6. 

England : relations of the colonies with, 
peaceful, 11; the acts of, considered 
despotic, 27 : debt of, in 1778, 92. 

Enlistments for short periods, 71. 

Establislied religion : controlled every- 
thing. 212; abolished in 1820. 213. 

Farmers thought trade should bear the 
burden of taxation. 165. 

Fellows, Brig. -Gen., at council of war 
at Fort Edward. 78, 79. 

Fisheries produced during the war and 
after. 165. 

Fishkill. Gen. Gates ordered to. 96. 

Flag : for the army, 59 ; first, raised by 
Washington, 64; second, raised by 
Washington, 64. 

Fleets of England, France, and Spain, 
110. 

Flour, value of. in 1780, 122. 

Fort Defiance at Ticonderoga. 77. 

Fort Edward, council of war at, 78. 

Fort George. Col. Paterson ordered to, 
64. 

Fort Moultrie, battle of. 62. 

Fort Washington taken bv the British, 
67. 

Forts Montgomery and Clinton, inqui- 
ries as to the loss of, 99. 

France : makes a treaty with the United 
States. 92 ; and Spain give money for 



the war. 139 ; and Spain and Holland, 
money borrowed from, 139. 

Freeman's Farm: main fighting done 
by the left vnng, 86 ; battle of, 86, 87. 

French and Spanish loans used in 1780, 
122. 

French ofBcers go back to France, 98. 

French reinforcements. 96. 

Gage, General : made governor, 22 ; of- 
fers pardon to all except Adams and 
Hancock, .50. 

Gage, Governor : issues a precept for a 
General Court, 29 ; rescinds the order 
for the General Court, 29 ; fortifies 
Boston Neck, 29 ; counter-proclama- 
tion disregarded, 30; replies to Pro- 
vincial Congress resolution, 31 ; super- 
seded by Gen. Howe, 32 ; refuses to 
recognize the Second Provincial Con- 
gress, 37: tries to corrupt Hancock 
and Adams, 44 ; besieged in Boston as 
the result of the battles of Lexington 
and Concord, 45 ; set aside, 48. 

Gardner, Colonel : ordered to reinforce 
Col. Paterson, 51 : ordered to Pros- 
pect Hill. 51 ; and Paterson ordered 
to Bunker Hill too late, 51. 

Ga.spee seized and burned. 16. 

Gates, General : Col. Paterson sent to 
reinforce, 60 ; surprised at the celerity 
of Gen. Paterson. 72 ; superseded by 
Gen. Schuyler. 74; supersedes Gen. 
Schuyler, 81 ; commands the right 
wing of the American army. 86 ; re- 
ceives a flag of truce from Burgoyne, 
89 ; ordered to Fishkill, 96; commands 
at West Point, 99 ; ordered to Boston, 
108. 

General Court: demands the removal of 
the soldiers, 15 ; order for, revoked by 
Gov. Gage, 24 ; revocation of the order 
for, causes great dissatisfaction, 30; 
counter-proclamation of the governor 
disregarded, 30 ; to be held at Salem, 
30 ; assembles on October 5, 1774, 31 
waits one day for the governor, 31 
decides to remove from Boston, 174 
does not vote money to carry out its 
measures, 175; orders the governor 
to write to the governors of other 
States toarrest reVx-ls. 198,200; thanks 
the officers and soldiers, 200 ; con- 
venes for the fourth time, 204. 

George 111.: relation to the colonies, 5 ; 
accession of. 12 ; antagonistic to the 
colonies. 12 ; contemptuous reception 
of the petition against the tea tax. 13 ; 
thinks Americans cowards, 22 ; Lenox 
loyal to. up to 1774. 28 ; oath to. repu- 
diated. 33 ; determines to hire troops 
to send to Boston. 57: called '"that 
man George " by the Massachusetts 
troops, 59 ; refuses to receive the dele- 
gation sent to ask for redress, 62; 
statue cast into bullets, 63 ; signs 



284 



INDEX. 



the bill repealing all oppressive acts, 
89. 

Georgia sends no delegates to Conti- 
nental Congress but promises to abide 
by it, 24. 

Gerraantown, defeat at. 76. 

Gladstone : opinion of America, 140 ; on 
the United States. 231. 

Goodrich, Capt. William : one of com- 
mittee to purchase blankets, 38 ; with 
Col. Paterson to prepare address to 
the Stockbridge Indians, 38 ; permis- 
sion to augment his company. 41 ; 
certifies to the captains in Col. Pater- 
son's regiment, 40 : letter of Gen. Pat- 
erson about, 74 ; receives a commis- 
sion as eajitain, 74. 

Goodrich, Charles, signs a petition about 
small-pox, 148. 

Gorges, Sir Fernando : a soldier of for- 
tune, 154 ; made Lord Paramount of 
Maine, 155; to be governor, 1.55. 

Gorham, Nath., speaker of the House 
in Boston, 149, 150. 

Government: provisional, formed, 29; 
carried on by the people without the 
governor, 46 ; carried on, by the com- 
mon consent of the people, by the 
Provincial Congress, 48. 

Governor : calls a meeting of the legis- 
lature for Sept. 27th, 8 ; orders the 
tea to be landed, 18; dissolves the 
Massachusetts Assembly, 24; I'esolu- 
tions sent to, by the General Coiirt, 
31 ; calls on citizens to protect the 
courts, 168; sustained by the people 
of Boston, 172 ; calls the General Court 
for Oct. 18, 1786, 173; advises the 
judges at Worcester to adjourn, 176. 

Governors: of colonies, appointed by 
Lords of Trade, 9 ; of Pennsylvania 
and Maryland hereditaiy, 9 ; of Rhode 
Island and Connecticut elected by the 
people. 9 ; consider the assertion of 
rights rebellion, 9 ; assume the royal 
prerogative, 9. 10 ; misrepresent the 
people, 10 ; try to break up colonial 
organization, 10; royal, hold that the 
people have no rights, 23. 

Great Baiiington: court not allowed to 
sit at, 24, 171 ; precedent of 1774 fol- 
lowed, 166, 

Great Britain must fire the first shot, 
45, 47. 

Greaton. Col. J., signs a petition to 
Congress, 132. 

Grenadiers, British, at Monmouth, 104. 

Grievances : presented to the legisla- 
ture, 174 ; public, reported, 202. 

"Grippy" Hull: Gen. Paterson's ser- 
vant, 142 ; dinner at West Point, 143 ; 
runs away from Kosciiisko. 144 ; after 
the war lives in Stockbridge. 144. 

Haheas corpus act suspended, 174. 

Hamlin, Perez, pillages Stockbridge, 199. 



Hampshire County : included Berkshire 
up to 1761, 27 ; convention at Hattield, 
definition of liberty at, 167. 

Hancock. John : arrest of, ordered, 23 ; 
proscribed. 44 ; and Adams not cor- 
ruptible by Gov. Gage, 44 ; elected 
president of the Continental Con- 
gress, 47 ; elected governor, 204 ; as 
governor, 206. 

Haskell, Major, brigade-major, 111. 

" Hated Highlands,'" a military station, 
140. 

Hatfield, convention at, 163. 

Havana, expedition to, 4, 5. 

Hazen, Brig. -Gen. Moses, signs the peti- 
tion to Congress for Massachusetts, 
132. 

Heath, General, at West Point, 1780, 
114 ; forwards Gen. Paterson's letter, 
114 ; in 1782, 128. 

Henry, Patrick, his speech on the 
Stamp Act in 1765. 12. 

Hessian, a term of derision, 221. 

Hessians : the sending of, helped the 
idea of independence. 62 ; sent to 
Pennsylvania. 68. 

Highlands : of tlie Hiidson reconnoi- 
tered, 99 ; the " hated," 107. 122 ; used 
to make feints from in 1780, 122. 

Hitchcock, Enos, cbaplain of Gen. Pat- 
erson's brigade, 118, 124. 

Holland, Spain, and France, money bor- 
rowed from, 139. 

Holmes. Rev. Stephen, marries Anne 
Paterson, 2. 237. 

Hopewell, council of war at, 101. 

Hostages to be made of king's officers, 
29. 

Howe. General: succeeds Gov. Gage, 
32; only one of his staff survives his 
wounds, 52 ; determines to take Dor- 
chester Heights but puts it off until 
too late. 60 ; determines to evacuate 
Boston, 60 ; receives no unconditional 
orders, 75 : at Philadelphia, 95 ; gains 
nothing from taking Philadelpliia, 
95 ; finds it difficult to provision Phila- 
delphia, 100. 

Howe, Sir William: to come up the 
Hudson. 75; ordered to support Bur- 
goyne, 76 ; starts to capture Washing- 
ton. 76. 

Hubarton, battle of, 77. 
'' Hudson River : campaign for possession 
of, 91 ; march to, from Vallev Forge, 
100. 

Hull, Agrippa, Gen. Pater.son's servant, 
I 142. 

: Hutchinson. Governor: appointed, 15; 
favors the Stamp Act, 15 ; asked about 
the judges' salaries, 16; says the col- 
onists had not the right to petition 
the assembly, 16 ; returns to England, 
23. 

Hvde. Caleb : sent to Third Provincial 



INDEX. 



285 



Congress. 47 ; account of the suppres- 
sion of the courts at Great Barring- I 
ton, 171. 

Hyde, Clarissa, marries Josiah Lee Pat- 
erson, 225. 

Impressment common. 14. 

Indemnity, change in the bill for, 204. 

Independence: not generally wished 
for, .57; idea of. started by George III.'s 
proclamation, 59 ; determined on after ; 
surrender of Burgoyne, 90 ; the only j 
basis of treat}-. 97. ] 

Independence, Declaration of : promul- 
gated, 63 ; made after eleven years of 
unprovoked irritation. 63; accepted 
last by New York, 63 ; never recon- 
sidered. 64. 

Indians, Mohawk, address to, 40. 

Indians. Stockbridge : address to, 38 ; 
enlist a full company, 39; speech of 
chief of, 39 ; soldiers ask to have their 
money taken care of, 40. 

Ingersol, Captain, in Col. Paterson's 
regiment, 46. 

Inoculation against small-pox, 61. 

Insubordination result of dissatisfac- 
tion. 116. 

Insurgents marching from New York 
State, 199. 

Interest, high rates of, in 1786. 158. 

Jackson, Col. H., Gen. Paterson's letter 
to, 128. 

Jackson. Col. M., of 8th Massachusetts 
regiment, 124. 

Jefferson not convinced that independ- 
ence was necessary. 57. 

Jenkins, Ebeneaer. signs a petition 
about small-pox. 148. 

Jones, Israel, signs a petition about 
small-pox, 148. 

Jones. William, signs a petition about 
wolves, 150. 

Judges : salaries to be paid by the crown, 
16 ; salaries offered to. by the As- 
sembly on pain of impeachment, 17 ; 
not allowed to sit in Worcester, 29. 

Juniper, a kind of sled, 218. 

Jurv-list. names of rebels removed 
from, 201. 

Kilborn. Samuel, marries Maria Pater- 
son, 227. 

King, the : his officers to be held as 
hostages for political offenders, 29 ; 
proclamation of, read in camp, 59 ; 
delays the execution of the concili- 
atory bills, 93. 

Kirkland, Rev. Mr., address to, for the 
Stockbridge Indians, 40. 

Knox, Maj . -Gen. H. : appeals to Congress 
on behalf of troops, 124 ; signs a peti- 
tion to Congress. 132. 

Kosciusko : fortifies Bemis' Heights, 86 ; 
remains here, 99 ; fortifies West Point, 
99; a friend of Gen. Paterson. 142; 
receives " Grippy " as a present, 142. 



Lafayette ; remains here. 99 ; sends for 
Washington at Monmouth, 102. 

Land : should be a legal tender, 160 ; to 
be free, trade to bear the burden of 
taxation, 165. 

Land grants, petition about, 128. 

Laurens, on a committee to collect evi- 
dence about the surrender of Ticon- 
deroga, 83. 

Law. all forms of, broken up in Massa- 
chusetts, 32. 

Lawyers : power of, to be restrained, 
161 ; should be abolished, 163 ; in 1786 
excluded from the legislature, 163. 

Leaders of discontent not wanting, 160. 

League and Covenant, the Solemn, 26. 

Learned, Brig.-Gen., at council of war 
at Fort Edward, 78, 79. 

Learned. Simeon, aide-de-camp to Gen. 
Paterson, 156. 

Lechmere's Point, Col. Paterson's regi- 
ment at, 58. 

Ledyard. John, witness to Major Pater- 
son's bond, 238. 

Lee (Mass.). rebels are prevented from 
the courts in, 196. 

Lee, Elizabeth, marries John Paterson, 
2,6. 

Lee, General: made prisoner by the 
British, 67 ; commences to conspire, 
68 ; makes traitorous proposals to 
Howe, 75 ; ordered to attack at Mon- 
mouth, but fails. 102 ; orders a retreat 
at Monmouth, 103 ; a greater traitor 
than Arnold, 105 ; treachery of, pro- 
longs the war, 105. 

Lee, R. H., to collect e^-idence about 
Ticonderoga, 83. 

Legal tender should be made of land, 
160. 

Legislature : to be suspended for resists 
ance to the tea tax. 13 ; grievances 
presented to, 174; of April 27, 1787, 
conservative and refuse a general 
amnesty, 204. 

Lenox: John Paterson removes to, 7; 
history of, 7 ; set off from Richmond, 
8 ; refuses to submit to the tea tax, 
17 ; incorporated in 1767, 27 ; loyal to 
George III. up to 1774. 28 ; issues no 
more warrants in the king's name, 28 ; 
instructs John Paterson, 30; asserts 
her independence, 31 ; makes provi- 
sion for arms. 36; appoints a commit- 
tee to collect grain. 37 ; John Pater- 
son moderator of a town meeting, 38 ; 
provides muskets, 42 ; votes to abide 
by the Provincial Congress, 42 ; first 
departure of armed men from, 47; 
sends Caleb Hyde to Third Provincial 
Congress, 47 ; instructs her repre- 
sentatives, 49 ; authorizes her dele- 
gates to vote for independence, 49; 
calls town-meetings in the name of 
the people of Massachusetts Bay, 49 ; 



286 



INDEX. 



watches unfriendly persons, 49 ; sends 
two more companies after Bunker 
Hill, 53 ; for the county town, contest 
about, 146; fixed on as the county 
town, 146 ; court-house, when com- 
pleted, 147 ; convention at. 169 ; people 
of, not willing to resort to violence, 
169 ; first house in. 212 ; court-house, 
subscription to build, 238. 

Letters and correspondence stilted, 216. 

Lexington: battle of, results from the 
order to arrest Hancock and Adams, 
23 ; Berkshire regiment marches after 
the battle of, 36 ; and Concord, battles 
of, result in besieging Gov. Gage in 
Boston, 43. 

Liberty, definition of, at Hatfield Con- 
vention. 167. 

Liberty, sloop, seized, 14. 

Lincoln, General: cuts off Burgoyne's 
supplies, 85; forces Burgoyne to move 
forward, 86 ; takes command of right 
wing at Saratoga, 87 ; put in com- 
mand of troops, 178 ; writes to Gen. 
Paterson Jan. 22 and 23, 1787, 178, 
179 ; routs Luke Day at West Spring- 
field, 182 ; demands Shays' surrender, 
182 ; indorsed by the General Court, 
183 ; refuses to admit Shays' claims, 
183 ; marches on Shays at Petersham, 
184 ; sends orders to Gen. Paterson, 
Jan. 28, 1787, 184 ; order of, to Gen. 
Paterson about leniency, 186 ; writes 
to Gov. Bowdoin, Feb. 1, 1787, 187; 
writes to Gen. Paterson, Feb. 1, 1787, 
188 ; starts for Berkshire, 192 ; writes 
Gen. Paterson about the defeat at 
Petersham, 192 ; writes Gen. Paterson 
from Pittsfield. Feb. 12, 1787, 195, 196 ; 
promises reinforcements to Gen. Pat- 
erson, Feb. 12, 1787, 196 ; petition to, 
to restore arms to a former rebel, 197 ; 
orders troops from Gen. Paterson, 
198; informs Gen. Paterson of the 
arming at Lanesboro, 200. 

"Lister" means assessor, 1. 

Lithgow, Major, wounded at Freeman's 
Farm, 86. 

London, servant of Major Paterson, 5. 

Loyalty a part of religion, 32. 

Lusk, James, marries Sarah Paterson, 
2, 236. 

Lyman, Maj.-Gen., commands colonial 
troops sent against Havana, 5, 6. 

Lyon, Jacob, second lieutenant in Col. 
Paterson's regiment, asks for his 
commission, .55. 

Maine : deed of land in, 152 ; convention 
called for a government separate from 
Massachusetts, 153 ; separated from 
Massachusetts, 154 ; how it came to 
belong to Massachusetts, 154 ; Lord 
Paramount of, title purchased by the 
Massachusetts Bay Co., 155. 

Major-generals: all ordered to organize 



their forces, 176; of Massachusetts, 
list of. 240. 

Mandamus councilors : decline to act, 
24; John Paterson a committee on, 37. 

Manufacturers depressed after the war, 
159. 

Marblehead : a port of entry, 22 ; in- 
vites Boston to use her port free, 22. 

Marque, letters of, issued by the Conti- 
nental Congress, 63. 

Massachusetts : refuses to pay £400 ex- 
pended by Gov. Barnard, 5 ; resists 
the tea tax, 13 ; sends a circular letter 
to the other colonies, 13 ; required to 
rciscind her circular letter, 13 ; threat- 
ened for resistance to tlie tea tax, 13 ; 
no longer recognizes the king and 
Parliament, 23 ; Assembly convened 
for June 7th, 24 ; forms of law in, 
broken up, 32 ; number of men at 
Boston, 56 ; first to elect a legislature, 
56 ; troops no longer recognize George 
III., 59 ; equal to its own defense, 59 ; 
troops ordered to New York, 59 ; re- 
peal of the charter of, repealed after 
the surrender of Burgoyne, 89 ; how 
it became possessed of Maine, 154; 
debt of, in 1786, 159 , established re- 
ligion of, 212. 

Massachusetts Bay Co.: charter of, 20; 
charter of, attacked, demanded, de- 
clared void, 1.54 ; purchases Maine and 
becomes Lord Paramount of Maine, 
155. 

Maxwell, Lieut. -Col. H., signs a petition 
to Congress, 132. 

McCrea, Jane, report of murder of, 
swells the American ranks, 85. 

McDougal, General : commands West 
Point, 99, 108 ; his orders to Col. Burr, 
111. 

McKinstry, Capt. John : joins Col. Pat- 
erson's regiment, 46, 48 ; asks for his 
commission, 55. 

McKinstry, Thomas, first lieutenant in 
Col. Paterson's regiment, asks for his 
commission, 55. 

Meeting-house, the center of social and 
town life, 212. 

Merrick, Pliny, signs a petition about 
wolves, 150. 

Merrill. Samuel, signs a petition about 
wolves, 150. 

Middlesex County: convention, 170; 
troops, order to, 177. 

Military matters. Gen. Paterson active 
in. 219. 

Military organizations regarded as use- 
ful, 34. 

Military play of children, 220. 

Militia : towns to choose officers of, 29 r 
not soldiers but excellent marksmen, 
44. 

Ministry threaten Massachusetts for re- 
sistance to the tea tax. 13. 



INDEX. 



287 



Mix. Rev. Stephen, marries James Pat- 

erson, 1. 
Mohawk Indians, address to. 40. 
Mohawk valley, to be captured by St. 

Leger, 75. 
Moncton, Colonel, at Monmouth, 10.3. 
Money borrowed fi-om France, Spain, 

and Holland. 189. 
Monmouth: councils previous to the 
battle of, 101 ; battle of, 104 ; saved by 
Steuben and Washington, 105 ; loss 
at, 105 ; after the battle of, the British 
act on the defensive. lOG. 
Montague, Lady Mary Wortley, intro- 
duces the process of inoculation for 
smaU-pox. 01. 
Montreal, Col. Paterson arrives at, 61. 
Monument to Gen. Paterson, unveiling 

of, 245. 
Moore's Creek : battle of. 59 ; effect of 

victory at, 59, 03. 
JVIothksin. J., chief of Stockbridge In- 
dians, 38. 
Mount Independence fortified by Col. 

Paterson, 64. 
Mu.sic cultivated in New England towns. 

216. 
Muster, the annual, 220. 
Mutiny in Philadelphia. 1.33. 
Navy wanting to Americans, 110. 
New Britain : John Paterson (1st) born 
in, 2 ; formerly part of Torrington, 2. 
Newell, Samuel, witness to Major Pat- 

er.son's will, 237. 
New Hampshire: number of men at 
Boston, 56; legislature surrounded,. 
173. 
Newington, John Paterson (1st) lived 
in, 2. ' 

New Providence, John Paterson a com- 1 
mittee on, 42. i 

New York City : withdraws from non- I 
importation, 10 ; letter denounced, 16 ; [ 
tea ships sent to, 17 ; Massachusetts 
troops ordered to, 59 ; harbor frozen | 
in winter of 1779-80, 126. [ 

New York State : accepts the Declara- 
tion of Independence last, 63 ; neces- 
sary to the British, 75 ; asked to select 
the place on the Hudson to fortify, 99 ; 
legislature. Gen. Paterson In, 222. 
Nixon, Brig. -Gen., at council of war at 

Port Edward, 78, 79. 
Non-importation agreement. New York 

withdraws from, 16. 
Nortliampton. prevention of the session 

of the courts at, 168. 
North Carolina : takes the first aggress- 
ive step, 63 ; organizes a Provincial 
Congress, 63. 
Note, holder of, not to be paid full value 

of. unless it was issued to him. 164. 
Oath to George III. repudiated. 33. 
Officers : knew little of military organi- 
zation, 56 ; half pay, amount of com- 



mutation, 164 ; half pay a grievance, 
164. 
Organizations of colonies for confer- 
ence not liked by the governor, 10. 
Osborne, Sally, liiames John Pierce 

Paterson, 227. 
Otis, James : assaulted bv the soldiers, 

15 : in the battle of Bunker Hill, 52. 
Paper money : holders of, did not pre- 
sent it in 1780, 122: irredeemable, 
recommended, 168. 
Pardon : of rioters con.sidered as a justi- 
fication. 163 : asked by twenty towns, 
194 ; to rebels, cojumission tij grant, 
202 : of rebels, 205. 

Parliament: acts of, burned by the 
hangman, 23; repeals all oi)pressive 
acts after the surrender of Bur;,'oyne, 
81); gives power to commissioners to 
suspend any act. 89; commissioners 
come too late. 90; hopes something 
from the dissatisfaction of the Puri- 
tans, 93; bills of, burned under the 
gallows, 94. 

Parmenter, Gen. Shepard sent to Ver- 
mont to arrest, 197. 

Parsons, Eli : heads four hundred in- 
surgents, 178 ; issues a manifesto, 196 ; 
not to be pardoned. 202 ; asks for par- 
don and is prohibited from holding 
any office, 206. 

Parsons, Isaac, signs a petition about 
wolves, 150. 

Paterson, Ann, marries Rev. Stephen 
Holmes, 237. 

Paterson, Betsey, 227. 

Paterson, Elizabeth : a remarkable wom- 
an, 6, 228 ; died, 7, 228. 

Paterson families, 235 ; origin of, 1, 43, 
277. 

Paterson family settled in Wethersfield, 

Paterson, Hannah, 225. 

Paterson, James: married Mary Tal- 
cott. 1 ; assessor of Wethersfield, 1 ; 
selectman, 1. 

Paterson, John (1st): born in Wethers- 
field. 1 ; lived in Newington, 2 ; re- 
moved to Farmington, 2; on '"the 
prudential committee," 2 ; made dea- 
con, 3: a slaveowner, 3; agent for 
New Britain, 3 ; enlisted as a private, 
3: en.sign, 3; lieutenant. 3; captain, 
3 ; major, 3 ; justice of the peace and 
quorum, 4 ; commission as colonel not 
found. 4; goes as captain and pay- 
master to Havana, 5 ; dies in Havana, 
5 ; will of, 236 ; his bond as paymaster, 
237. 

Paterson, John; born in Farmington, 
5; graduated at Yale College, 5; 
teaches school, 6 ; Hves in New Brit- 
ain, 6 ; marries Ehzabeth Lee, 6 : re- 
moves to Lenox, 7 ; chosen Clerk of 
the Propriety of Lenox, 7 ; last Clerk 



288 



INDEX. 



of the Propriety, 8 ; a loyal subject. 
19 ; sent to the Berkshire Convention. 
23, 26 ; sent to Salem, 30 ; instructions 
to, by Lenox. 30 ; representative at 
the General Court of 1774, 34 ; one of 
a committee to collect jprrain and am- 
munition, 34 ; appointed to examine 
the stores of the commissary general's 
department, 35 ; raises a regiment, 35 ; 
commissioned as colonel, 36 ; advises 
preparation for war. 36 : elected to 
the Second Provincial Congress, 37: 
sent to Cambridge. 37 : chairman of 
committee on mandamus councilors, 
37 ; on committee to revise the com- 
mission of Committee of Safety and 
Supplies. 37 ; on committee to inquire 
into state of the militia, 37 ; to collect 
the sentiments of the people of Que- 
bec, 37; appointed to bring in a reso- 
lution relative to the adjournment of 
the Second Provincial Congress, 38 ; 
chosen moderator of Lenox town- 
meeting, 38; selectman, assessor, and 
collector of school tax of Lenox. 38 ; 
appointed to draft an address to the 
Stoekbridge Indians, 38 ; on a com- 
mittee to address the Mohawk Indi- 
ans. 40 ; to advise about Capt. Good- 
ridge's company, 42 ; to advise the 
Committee of Safety and Supplies, 
42 ; always consulted about military 
affairs. 42 : on committee on the affairs 
of New Providence, 42; a committee 
to give a certificate to E. Bradish, 42 ; 
on a committee to determine about 
the assumption of the government, 
42; ancestors fled from tyranny in 
Scotland, 42 ; explains the condition 
of affairs to his constituents, 42; a 
leader of men. 43 ; starts for Lenox 
immediately after the battles of Lex- 
ington and Concord, 45 ; his regiment 
made part of the Continental Army, 
45 ; certificate to Provincial Congress. 
46 ; member of many committees in 
First and Second Provincial Con- 
gresses, 46 ; his regiment to be fiaid, 
48 ; his regiment serveas minute-men, 
50 ; his regiment transferred to Con- 
tinental service, 50 ; his regiment re- 
enlist for eight months, 50 ; bis regi- 
ment become the 15th Foot, 50 ; his 
regiment build Fort No. 3, 50 ; defends 
Fort No. 3, 50 ; ordered by Washing- 
ton to remain at Port No. 3, 51 ; or- 
dered to defend Prospect Hill, 51 ; and 
Gardner ordered to Bunker Hill too 
late, 51 ; in the afternoon of Bunker 
Hill, 52 ; ordered to defend Cam- 
bridge, 53 ; petitions Third Provincial 
Congress for supplies. 53 ; wishes his 
guns repaired, 54 : receives arms from 
the Committee of Safety, 54 ; pre.sides 
at a court-martial, 54, 58, 51* ; certifies 



the petition of his officers, 55 ; posi- 
tion of his regiment, 57 ; at Lech- 
mere's Point, 58 ; his regiment, with 
Ward's and Putnam's, called '"the 
flower of the Continental Army,'' 58; 
refills his regiment, 58 : his regiment 
goes into barracks at Prospect Hill, 
59; dislodges the British in Charles- 
town, 59 ; shows bravery in putting 
out a fire, 59 ; stationed on Staten Isl- 
and, 60; sent to Canada, 60; arrives 
in Canada too late except to partici- 
pate in tbe suffering of the troops, 60 ; 
did not take small-pox, 61 ; his regi- 
ment to be inoculated at Montreal, 62 ; 
retreats from Canada, 62; at Sorel 
with only six men fit for duty, 62 ; at 
the battle of the Cedars, 62 ; fortifies 
Mount Independence, 64; first in the 
2d and then in the 3d Brigade. 64; 
ordered to Fort George, 64 ; ordered 
to Stillwater, 64; recommended for 
promotion, 64 ; brigades ordered to 
go to him for orders, 65 ; sent to rein- 
force Washington, 65; losses of his 
regiment, 66 ; crosses the Delaware 
with Washington, 68 ; at Trenton, 69 ; 
at Princeton, 69, 70 ; successful in en- 
listing, 71 ; transferred to another 
regiment, 71; made brigadier-general, 
71, 72; goes to Ticonderoga, 72; his 
regiment poorly supplied, 72 ; letter 
to the president of council, 73 ; writes 
on behalf of Capt. Goodrich, 74 ; at 
councils of war at Ticonderoga, 77, 
78, 79 ; brig. -gen., at council of war at 
Fort Edward, 78, 79; at Moses Creek 
camp, 81 ; not criminated by the sur- 
render of Ticonderoga, 84; in the 
right wing, 86 ; at Stillwater, 86 ; at 
Bemis' Heights. 87 ; after the second 
battle of Bemis' Heights, 88 ; frus- 
trates the plans of Btirgoyne, 88 ; acts 
bravely at the surrender of Burgoyne, 

89 ; after the surrender of Burgoyne, 

90 ; letter to Gen, Washington, !iO ; his 
brigade smaU, 91; letter about Joseph 
Morse, 91; at Valley Forge, 92; under- 
takes fortifications of left wing at Val- 
ley Forge, 92; on a court-martial, 96; to 
administer tbe oath to officers, 99 ; at 
the Monmouth council, 101 ; at Mon- 
mouth, 103, 104; after Monmouth, 107; 
to select his colors, 107; commands 
at West Point in 1778, 108 ; why ap- 
pointed to We.st Point, 109 ; and otbers 
petition Congress in 1779, 110 ; at Nel- 
son's Point in 1779, 111 ; his men work 
on the batteries. 111 ; on a board for 
ranking officers. Ill ; his brigade or- 
dered to the Point, 112; master of 
Washington Lodge, 112; applies to 
purchase clothing, 112 ; commands 
West Point, 113 ; at a fire in West 
Point, 114 : receives money from Mas- 



INDEX. 



2b y 



sachusetts. 114 : writes to Gen. Heath, 
114, 115. 120 : begs a loan of arms, 116 ; 
letter to Massachusetts, 117 : erects a 
block-house at Dobbs' Fei-ry. 118: let- 
ter to Baron Steuben, 118 ; on Arnold's 
court-martial, 119 ; certifies to Col. 
Varick's character. 120 : at West Point 
in 1780, 121 : put in 2d Massachusetts 
brigade. 124 : three months' pay voted 
him. 124 ; ordered to keep the water- 
guards in readiness. 125 ; ordered by 
Washington to be ready for an attack, 
125 ; replies to Washington's order, 
12G : in Gen. Lincoln's brigade. 126 ; 
left on the Hudson by Washington, 
128; letter to Col. Jackson, 128; on 
the McDougall court-martial. 128 ; his 
brigade complimented by Washing- 
ton. 12'.», 132 ; asks for a service chev- 
ron. 129 ; in Gen. Heath's brigade in 
Gen. Howe's division, 129 ; signs an 
appeal to Congress for relief for the 
army, 132 ; ordered to West Point 
in 1783. 133 ; letter to Gen. Knox at 
West Point, 133 ; ordered to Philadel- 
phia, 133 ; president of a court-martial 
at Philadelphia, 135 ; commands West 
Point. 135 ; commissioned as major- 
general in the Continental Army, 138 ; 
one of the last to leave the army, 138 ; 
his rank. 140; one of the youngest 
brigadier-generals. 140 ; reasons why 
he was appointed, 140 ; his extraordi- 
nary amount of service. 141 ; presents 
"Grippy'' to Kosciusko, 142; presi- 
dent and vice-president of Massachu- 
setts Society of the Cincinnati, 145 ; 
subscribes to the Town House, 146; 
delegate from Lenox to a county con- 
vention, 146 : resumes his profession 
as a lawyer, 146, 210; signs a petition 
about small-pox, 148 ; signs a petition 
about wolves, 150; commissioned as 
major-general of Massachusetts, 150; 
interest in lands in Maine, 151, 152; 
commands the Berkshii-e militia, 156; 
staff of, in Shays' Rebellion, 156 ; in 
Lenox convention, 169; orders out 
the military in Shays' Rebellion, 171 ; 
receives orders from Gen. Lincoln, 
Jan. 23, 1787, 184 ; informs Gen. Lin- 
coin of his situation and asks help. 
Jan. 29, 1787, 185; asks help of Gen. 
Lincoln. Jan. 31, 1787. 185. 186 ; raises 
men to defend Berkshire County. 189; 
informs Gen. Lincoln of the situation 
in Berkshire, Feb. 5. 1787, first letter. 
190 ; duplicate letter. 191 ; could not 
rely on the militia. 193 ; disperses the 
rebels from Adams and Williamstown, 
194; writes to Gen. Lincoln from Shef- 
field. Feb. 10, 1787, 195 ; his part in 
Shays' Rebellion, 205 ; action after 
Shays' Rebellion, 209; as a business 
man and a lawyer, 210 ; marriage of 



his eldest daughter and of his eldest 
son, 210 : active in military matters in 
Lenox, 219: his children, 221. 225; in 
New York legislature. 222; olfices held 
in New York, 222; in Congress, 223 ; 
chief-justice of Broome County, 223 ; 
his character. 224, 228, 230, 233 ; his 
death. 228; his wife's remains re- 
moved to Lenox. 228; as a lawyer and 
legislator. 231 ; record of, why lost, 
232 ; defense of. 240 ; diary of. 241 ; un- 
veiling the monument to, 245 ; monu- 
ment, inscription on, 272. 

Maps showing his position ; at Bos- 
ton, Map I., 50; at Trenton. Map II., 
68; at Princeton, Map III., 70; First 
Battle of Bemis' Heights, Map IV., 
86 : Second Battle of Bemis' Heights, 
Map v., 88; SuiTender of Burgovne, 
31ap VI., 89 ; Valley Forge, Map VII., 
92; Monmouth, Map VIIL, 103; The 
Highlands. Map IX., 108. 

Paterson, John Pierce, 227. 

Paterson, Joseph (Gen,), lived in Len- 
ox, 7. 

Paterson, Josiah Lee, 225. 

Paterson, Maria, 227. 

Paterson. Mary, daughter of John (Ma- 
jor), 2 ; marries John Peirce, 236. 

Paterson. Mrs.. 6. 228. 

Paterson. Polly. 226. 

Paterson, Ruth: marries Jedediah 
Strong, 2 : sister of John, 6 ; daughter 
of Major Paterson, 237. 

Paterson. Ruth, daughter of Gen. Pat- 
erson. 227. 

Paterson, Ruth (Bird) : wife of Major 
Paterson, 2. 

Paterson, Sarah, marries James Lusk, 
2. 236. 

Paterson. T. J. (Hon.). letter from, 229. 

Paterson. William : founder of the Bank 
of England. 1 : on Darien, 1 ; opinion. 
on Sandwich Islands, 1. 

Patriotism only kept the soldiers from 
deserting. 55. 

Pay. commutation of, a grievance, 162. 

Peace : Congress to dictate terms of, 93 ; 
treaty of. 136. 

Peirce. Ebenezer, signs a petition about 
small-pox. 148. 

Peirce, John, marries Mary Paterson, 
2, 236. 

Pennoyer, John, second lieutenant in 
Col. Paterson's regiment, asks for his 
commission, 55. 

Pennsylvania: governors of, heredi- 
tai-y, 9 ; governor of. offers a reward 
for the arrest of rebels. 201. 

People, opinions of, declared in Con- 
gress and conventions, 33. 

Petersham: Gen. Lincoln's march to, 
184 ; Shays retreats to. 187 ; defeat at, 
broke the rebellion, 189 : defeat at, de- 
scribed by Gen. Lincoln, 192. 



290 



INDEX. 



Petition : about land grants, 128 ; of offi- 
cers to Congress in 17h2, 130. 

Phelou. Lieut., aide-de camp to Gen. 
Paterson. 132. 

Philadelphia : tea ships sent to, 17 : 
urges Boston not to .submit. 17 ; sends 
the tea back, 18 ; Continental Congress 
at, 29, G4 ; Continental Congress an 
advisory body, -17 ; of no use to Gen. 
Howe, 95, 98; evacuation of, by the 
British, 96 ; evacuation of, equivalent 
to a victory. 96 ; occupied by Arnold, 
101 ; riots in, 133 ; mutiny in, 134. 

Phillips, Samiiel, president of the sen- 
ate. 149, 150. 

Pitcher, Molly, at Monmouth. 104. 

Pitkin Timothy, witness to Major Pat- 
erson's will. 237. 

Plans for the summer campaign of 
1778, 99. 

Pocock, Admiral: sent to Martinique, 
4 ; commands the expedition against 
Havana, 4. 

Poor, Brig.-Gen., at council of war at 
Fort Edward, 78. 79. 

Poor. Col., at Trenton, 69. 

Porter, Amos, second lieutenant in Col. 
Paterson's regiment, asks for his com- 
mission, 55. 

Porter, Captain, joins Col. Paterson's 
regiment, 48. 

Portland: burned, 57, 62; French rein- 
forcements land at, 96. 

Ports of the colonies to be closed, 62. 

Powder-house in Lenox made into a re- 
ceiving vault. 146. 

Pratt, Captain, in Col. Paterson's regi- 
ment. 46. 

President of council. Gen. Paterson's 
letter to. 73. 

Prestige, British, Burgoyne to do some- 
thing to regain, after the battle of 
Bennington, 84. 

Prospect Hill : fortified by Paterson's 
regiment. 50 : Col. Paterson goes into 
barracks on, 59. 

Provincial Congress: organized, 31; 
guilty of treason, 31 ; Gov. Gage's re- 
ply to. 31 ; supported by the towns, 35 ; 
the First, why dissolved, 36 : the Sec- 
ond, called to assemble at Cambridge, 
r;7; the Second, John Paterson to 
bring in a resolution relative to ad- 
journment. 38 ; the Second, assumes 
the government. 42 : delegates to the 
Second, summoned to retura, 44 ; the 
Second, adjourns, 45 ; the Third, 
meets at Watertown, 47 ; surrenders 
its powers to the Continental Con- 
gress, 48 ; how to be considered, 49 ; 
the Third, petitioned by Col. Paterson 
for supplies. 53 ; neglects to send com- 
missions. 55. 

Prudential committee. Major Paterson 
a member of, 2. 



Public opinion known through town- 
meetings and county conventions, 33. 

Pulaski remains in America, 99. 

Puritans : hated bj- Charles II.. 20 ; dis- 
like the treatv between France and 
the United States, 92. 

Putnam, Colonel, of 5th Massachusetts 
regiment, 124, 

Putnam, Maj,-Gen,, command of, 57. 

Quebec. John Paterson to collect the 
sentiments of the people of. 37. 

Quincy, Josiah, defends the soldiers in 
Boston. 15. 

Quorum, name of justice of the peace, 4. 

Rebellion: declaration of, 188; over, 
grievances were adjusted. 209. 

Rebels : removed from the jury-list. 201 ; 
convicted. 202 : seek aid in Canada, 
203 : reprieved and pardoned, 203 ; go 
to the polls, 203 ; pardon of, 205. 

Redcoat a term of contempt, 221. 

Redress only wished by the colonists, 57. 

ReUgion, the established, of Massachu- 
setts, 212. 

Religious intolerance, 211. 

Rescinders, the, 14. 

Resolutions sent to the governor by the 
General Court, 31. 

Revere gives the signal for resistance. 
47. 

Revolution: put an end to aristocracy 
in America, 9 ; demand for, not unani- 
mous, 32 ; an act of an overwhelming 
majority, 32 ; first seed of, 33 ; con- 
sidered by some a mistake, 49; de- 
clared to be the intrigue of a few, 63 ; 
soldiers of. not always in uniform, 78 ; 
advised by the rioters. 174. 

Rhode Island : governors of. hereditary, 
9 ; refused to arrest the biu'ners of the 
Gaspee, 16 ; number of men at Boston, 
56. 

Richmond. Duke of, introduces a bill 
for the withdrawal of all forces, 93. 

Richmont (Richmond), Lenox set off 
from, 8. 

Rights, assertion of, considered rebell- 
ious by the governors, 9. 

Rioters: in Shays' Rebellion sympa- 
thized with. 161 : pardon of, consid- 
ered a justification, 163; emboldened 
by the notice taken of them, 168 ; ad- 
vise revolution. 174; ascribe the acts 
of the General Court to fear of them, 
175 ; had always had sympathy, 207, 

Rochambeau confers with Washington 
in 1781, 127. 

Rockwell. Lieut.-Gov., his centennial 
address. 228, 229, 230, 231. 

Root, Gen. Erastus. goes to Washington 
with Gen. Paterson, 224. 

Royal, commission, no one would serve 
on it, 44. 

Royal prerogative assumed by the gov- 
ernors, 9, 10. 



INDEX. 



291 



Royalty, insignia of. destroyed, 63. 

Sabbath, observance of. 212. 

Salem, General Court to be held in, 30. 

Sandvnch Islands, WiUiani Paterson 
on, 1. 

Sanger. Jed., second lieutenant in Col. 
Paterson's regiment, asks for his com- 
mission, 55. 

Saratoga, sun-ender of. battles resiilt- 
ing in, how named, 87. 

Sargent, Erastus ; signs a petition about 
small-pox. 14S: surgeon-general to 
Gen. Paterson. 156. 

Schuyler. Major-General : sends rein- 
forcements to Washington. 65 : super- 
seded by Gen. Gates. 74, M ; at coun- 
cil of war at Fort Edward. 78, 79. 

Seamen, American, to be impressed, 63. 

Search-wan-ants resisted. 12. 

Second Massachusetts brigade, how con- 
stituted in 1781. 124. 

Sedgwick, T., aide-de-camp to Gen. Pat- 
erson, 156. 

Sermons, of what kind, 214. 

Settlers of Berkshire Countv, character 

of. 8. 
Seymour, Ira, marries Ruth Paterson, 

Shays. Daniel : heads the insurgents at I 
Northampton. 168 : his character. 
173 ; sends a letter advising the arm- 
ing of_the_t_owns, 174 ; goes to Rut- 
land. 175. 177 : collects one thousand 
ni^en. 176 : promises to accept pardon. 
177 : takes possession of the court- 
house at Springfield, 177 : asks Dav 
to co-operate with him, 180 ; attacks ' 
Gen. Shepard at Springfield and is 
routed, isi ; his attack on Spring- 
field might have been successful but 
for his want of knowledge. 181 ; or- 
dered to suiTender by Gen. Lincoln, 
182 : sends a petition to the General 
Court which is a threat, and is not 
received. 183; goes to Petersham, 
183: not to be pardoned, 202; begs 
pardon and is prohibited from hold- 
/ ing any office. 206. 
/ Shays' Rebellion. 1.56 ; causes of, 157 ; 
1 danger from. 207 : did not originate 
\ m dissatisfaction with the govern- 
\ ment. 207 ; the means of cementing 

the Union. 208. 
Sheffield^ was in Hamp.fhire County 
up to 1(01, 27; small-pox hospital at, 
61 ; attack on, 199. 
Shepard. General : ordered to take 
possession of Springfield. 178 ; inter- 
cepts Day's letter to Shavs. 180 ; at- 
tacks Shays and routs him. 181. 
Ships and cargoes, American, to be 

confiscated. 63. 
Skinner. Thompson Joseph, interest 

in lands in Maine, 152. 
Sloop Liberty seized, 14. 



Smalley, Dr. : friend of Gen Paterson, 
ti ; marries Gen. Paterson. 6. 

Small - pox : ravages the American 
army, 61 ; inoculation against, 61 ; 
petition about inoculation, 148. 

Smith. Ebenezer. witness to Maior 
Paterson's will. 237. 

Smith. Hezekiah, reports after Ticon- 
deroga. 80. 

Social life. 216. 

Soldiers : British, scandalize the people, 
15 ; could not alwavs get redress, 55 ; 
determined but not always uni- 
formed. 98 ; of the Revolution with- 
out display, 98. 

Solemn League and Covenant, 26. 
j Sons of Liberty : formed to resist the 
Stamp Act. 13 ; propose a Continental 
Congress. 24. 

Sorel. troops from, to be sent to Mont- 
real, 62. 

Spain and France : give money for the 
war. 139 : and Holland, money bor- 
rowed from. 139. 

Specific supplies depended on in 1780, 

Springfield : session of the Courts pre- 
i vented at. 168, 173. 176; arsenal to 
be attacked. 173 ; court-house taken 
possession of bv Shavs, 177. 

Sprout, Colonel," of the 2d Massa- 
chusetts regiment, 124. 

Stamp Act, 12 ; passed in 1765, 12 ; 
defied in Virginia first, 12; how re- 
ceived. 12; general congress called 
to protest against. 12 ; Patrick Henry 
! on. 12 ; resisted by Sons of Liberty, 
13; repealed, joy about. 13. 

StantUng army, a large one not possible. 

Stark. Colonel, at Bennington. 84. 

State debt shown to be reasonable, 175. 

States, the, their part of the debt, 139. 

Statesmen formed by public assem- 
blies, 34. 

Sterling, General, at Princeton, 69. 

Steuben, Baron : at Valley Forge, 92 ; 
tactics of. 95; prepares a book on 
tactics, 95; refonns the men at Mon- 
mouth. 103 ; letter from Gen. Pater- 
son. 117. 118. 

Stillwater: Col. Paterson ordered to, 
64 ; American army intrenched at. 85. 

Stinsoii. John, signs a petition about 
wolves. 150. 

Stock1)ridge : convention at. 26 ; pil- 
laged by Perez Hamlin. 199. 

Stockbridge Indians : John Paterson 
to draft an address to, 38 ; address 
to. 38: enlist a full eompanv, .39; 
speech of chief of. 39 ; ask to have 
their money taken care of, 40. 

Stony Point stoi-med. 111. 

Strong, Captain, in Col. Paterson's 
regiment. 4 J. 



292 



INDEX. 



Strong, Jedediah, marries Ruth Pater- 
son, 2. 

St. Clair, General : at Princeton. C9; 
at council of war at Fort Edward. 78, 
79. 

St. John's : surrenders to the Ameri- 
cans, 64 ; suiTenders to the British, 
64. 

St. Leger : to come down the Mohawk 
valley, 75 ; and Burgoyne receive un- 
conditional orders, 75 ; defeated, 75 ; 
Burgoyne to help, 84. 

Suffolk County convention, 29. 

Sugar, value of , in 1780, 122. 

Suits, civil, number of, 162. 

Talcott, Joseph, governor of Connecti- 
cut colony, 1. 

Talcott, Mary, widow of Samuel, 1. 

Talcott, Samuel : first husband of Mrs. 
James Paterson, 1 ; cousin of Mary 
Talcott, 1. 

Taunton, courts prevented from sitting 
in, 170. 

Tax: on tea in 1767, 13 ; to support the 
established religion, 212, 213. 

Taxation : without consent refused, 
11 ; by the lords, 12; without 
representation refused, 12 : without 
representation resisted in Berkshire 
County, 22. 

Taxes : refused to the governor's 
treasurer, 29 ; oppressive in 1786, 
158; made payable in specific arti- 
cles. 175. 

Taxing the colonies renounced by 
Parliament, 89. 

Taylor, Daniel, signs a petition about 
small-pox, 148. 

Tea : tax on, in 1767, 13 ; must not be 
landed, 18 ; in Charleston spoiled, 18 ; 
sent back from Philadelphia, 18 ; 
value of, in 1780, 122. 

Tea ships : sent out to Boston, New 
York, Philadelphia, and Charleston, 
17; consignees asked to resign, 17; 
an-ive in Boston, 17. 

Tea tax : resistance to, misrepresented 
by Gov. Bernard, 13 ; petition 
against, received by George III. 
with contempt, 13; legislation to be 
suspended for resistance to, 13 ; re- 
sisted in all the colonies, 13. 

Ten Broeck, Brig. -Gen., at council of 
war at Fort Edward, 78, 79. 

Text and synopsis of sermons de- 
manded of children, 214. 

Thanks given at Valley Forge for the 
arrival of French reinforcements, 96. 

Ticonderoga : captured, 47 ; garrisoned, 
5/ ; cannon fi-om, sent to Boston. 60; 
surrenders to the Americans. 64 ; 
letter of Gen. Paterson from, 72 ; 
letter of Asa Douglas fi-om, 73 ; 
poorly prepared for an attack. 75 ; 
attacked by Burgoyne. 76; a trap. 



77 ; evacuated. 77, 78, 79, 80 ; sur- 
render of, a great shock, 81 ; sur- 
render of, investigated bv Congress, 
81, 82. 

Time, method of recording, in the last 
century, 2. 

Tioga County represented in Congress 
by Gen. Paterson, 223. 

Town meetings : piivilege of, granted, 
10; gi-anting of, given up, 10; for- 
bidden. 20 ; a safety-valve of public 
opinion. 33 ; of Lenox called in the 
name of Massachusetts Bay, 44. 

Towns : support the Provincial Con- 
gress, 35; careful to be represented 
in the congresses and conventions, 
43; twenty ask for pardon, 194. 

Townsman same as selectman, 1. 

Trade, Lords of, governed colonies 
since 1675, 9. 

Trade to bear the burden of taxation, 
land to be free. 165. 

Train bands not regarded with sus- 
picion. 35. 

Traitors made by discouragement, 68. 

Treason committed by the members of 
the Provincial Congress, 31. 

Treaty : between France and the 
United States. 92 ; of peace, 136. 

Trenton, battle of, 69. 

Troops ; sent to Boston, 13, 14 ; quar- 
ters for. refused, 14; encamped on 
Boston Common, 14 ; march to Bos- 
ton on a false rumor. 25 ; German 
(Hessian), hired to go to Massa- 
chusetts. 62. 

Trvon, Governor, publishes the con- 
ciliatoi-y bills, 93. 

Tucker, Hon. Judge Joseph ; his rec- 
ord, 251 ; his speech at the unveiling 
of the monument, 252. 

Unifonn of Revolutionary soldiers, 98. 

United States and Fi-ance, treaty of. 92. 

Upham, James, interest in lands in 
Maine, 152. 

Upham, Phineas, interest in lands in 
Maine, 152. 

Valley Forge ; Gen. Paterson at, 92 ; 
memorable for inefficiency and mis- 
management of Congress, 94 ; misery 
of, result of mismanagement, 95 ; 
news of the arrival of the French 
reinforcements at Portland, 96; 
reverent thanksgiving at, 96 ; left to 
pursue Gen. Clinton, 101. 

Values, fall of, 67. 

Varick, Colonel, certificate of Gen. 
Paterson, 120. 

Ventilation in houses excellent, 218. 

Vermont, governor of, issues a proc- 
lamation against the rebels. 201. 

Vermont troops come to Bennington, 
84. 

Village choir, 217. 

Village Ufe, 218. 



INDEX. 



293 



Vir^nia : first defied the Stamp Act. 
12 ; proposes au uuuual congress. 25 ; 
Assembly of. dissolved by the gov- 
ernor. 25 ; instructs her delegates to 
vote for independence. GO. 

Vose, Joseph : made colonel ot Pater- 
son's regiment. 70 ; takes the place 
made vacant by the promotion of 
Col. Paterson. 72. 

Walker, Wm., adjutant in Col. Pater- 
son's regiment, asks for his commis- 
sion, 55. 

War : it was supposed would be short, 
56, 67 ; close of. 137 ; cost of, 139. 

Ward, Gen. Artemas : orders Col. 
Paterson to defend Port No. 3, 50; 
gives the order of reinforcement at 
Bunker Hill too late. 51 ; fears an 
attack on Cambridge, 52 ; by courtesy 
commander-in-chief. 56. 

Warren, Joseph : addresses the Boston 
town meeting. 4-t ; speaker of the 
House, appoints Joseph Vo.se in the 
place of Col. Paterson promoted, 72. 

Washington. General : attends the ser- 
vices on June 1. 1774. 23 ; appointed 
general and commander-in-chief. 47 ; 
to make an army out of raw recruits, 
56; takes command of the army. 56; 
not convinced that independence was 
necessary. 57; orders Col. Paterson 
to remain at Fort No. 3, 57; com- 
pliments Col. Paterson's regiment, 
58 ; in a central situation at Cam- 
bridge, 58; sends four battalions to 
Canada, 60 ; raises first and second 
flags, 64 ; in New Jersey reinforced 
by Massachusetts ti-oops, 65; foils 
Howe in New Jersey, 76 ; Gen. 
Paterson's letter to, 90 ; orders Gen. 
Paterson to fortify the left wing at 
VaUey Forge, 92; cabals against, 94; 
faith in. by the people. 94 ; reports 
the want of supplies, 95 ; describes 
the bad condition of the army. 95 ; 
orders all to be ready for a sudden 
movement, 100; pursues Gen. Clin- 
ton, 101 ; orders Gen. Paterson to be 
in readiness for an attack. 125 ; con- 
fers with Rochambeau, 127 ; starts 
for Yorktowu. 127; extract from his 
proclamation, 137. 



Washington. Berkshire Co., rebels 
march on, 194. 

Watertown, Third Provincial Congress 
meets at, 47. 

WajTie attacked by Clinton at Mon- 
mouth, 103. 

Welister on the progress of the United 
States, 231. 

West Point : Gen. Gates commands at, 
99 ; chosen by New York to fortify, 
99 ; Gen. McDougal commands at, 
99 ; foi-tifled by Gen. Kosciusko, 99 ; 
commanded by Gen. Paterson. 108, 
135 ; without supplies for a fortnight 
in 17.S0. 114. 

West Springfield in possession of Day, 
178. 

West Stockbridge, rebels assemble at, 
and fight there. 194. 

Wethersfield : Patersons settle in, 1 ; 
John Paterson (1st) lived in. 2. 

Wheeler not to be pardoned, 202. 

Wilkins, Wm.. second lieutenant in 
Col. Paterson's regiment, asks for 
his commission. 55. 

Wilkinson. James, deputy adjutant- 
general, reports on the retreat at 
Ticonderoga. 79. 

William and Mary grant a new charter, 
21. 

Williams, Ebenezer, deputy-adjutant- 
general to Gen. Paterson, 156. 

Williams, John, signs a petition about 
wolves. 150. 

Williamstown and Adams, Gen. Pater- 
son disperses rebels from, 194. 

Winthrop, Gov. John : has the charter 
of the colonies, 21 ; does not sur- 
render the charter. 21. 

Wolves, petition for killing them, 149. 

Women of the Revolution heroines, 65. 

Worcester : Congress, 24 ; prevents the 
opening of the court. 29 ; county 
convention at Leicester. 167 ; court 
at. prevented, 170, 176: convention 
called at. 175 : the governor ad^^ses 
the courts to adjourn. 176 ; County, 
rebels attack citizens in, 196. 

Writs of assistance issued. 5. 

Wrong-doing not entirely British, 54. 

Wyoming, massacre of, 105. 

Yorktowu, Washington starts for, 127. 



Plate I. 



PATERSON GENEALOGY. 



279 



James Paterson, of Scotland 

b. 1664, d. Dec. 2, 1750 

Married, Nov. 30, 1704 

Mrs. Mary Talcott 

b. d. Sept. 28, 1712 

Married 2d wife 

Sarah Chittenden 



John 

b. Feb. 14, 1707-8, d. Sept. 5, 1762 

Married, Jan. 28, 1730-1 

Ruth Bird 

b. d. 



Mary 

b. Dec. 5, 1731, d. Oct. , 1789 

Married, April 18, 1751 

John Pierce 

b. 1729, d. Oct. I, 1783 



Sarah 
b. Jan. 13, 1734, d. 

Married, Dec. 30, 1754 
James Lusk 
b. d. 



b. 



b. 



Mary 



d. Oct. , 1751 



John 

1752, d. Aug. 6, 1788 

Sarah 
1768, d. Jan. 19, 1852 



James 



Anne 
b. Dec. 27, 1736, d. 

Married, Jan. 24, 1759 

Rev. Stephen Holmes 

b. June 4, 1732, d. Sept. 13, 1773 



Ruth 

b. June 16, 1739, d. Oct. 3, 1777 

Married, April 7, 1774 

Jedediah Strong 

b. 1738, d. Aug. 21, 1802 



John 
1744, d. July 19, 1808 
Married, June 2, 1766 
Elizabeth Lee 

1749, d. July 8, 1841 



Josiah Lee 

b, Oct. II, 1766, d. March 12, 1846 

Married, Jan. 3, 1788 

Clarissa Hyde ^ 

b. April 27, 1767, d. April 16, 1837 

Hannah 

b. Aug. 24, 1769, d. Jan. 21, 1803 

Married, Aug. 11, 1785 

Azariah Egleston 

b. Feb. 23, 1757, d. Jan. 12, 1822 



Polly 
1773. d. Aug. 19, 1790 



Ruth 

b. Aug. 6, 1774, d. Feb. 10, 1842 

Married, Nov. 14, 1797 

Ira Seymour 

b. March 18, 1776, d. Sept. 29, i86€ 



Betsey 
1784, d. 



1784 



John Peirce 

b. May 5, 1787, d. June 3, 1842 

Married, July 22, 1809 

Sally Osborn 

b. July 22, 1786, d. May , 1847 



Mariah 

b. Feb. 9, 1790, d. April 23, 1865 

Married, April 10, 1808 

Samuel Kilborn 

b. Nov. 27, 1783, d. Jan, 31, 1862 



Plate II. 



Sophia 

b. June i6, 1789, d. April 24, 1814 

Married, 1810 

Orren E. Gibbs 

b. d. June 27, 1846 



George Augustin 
b. Sept. 13, 1811 

Married, May 28, 1837 

1st wife, Bertfia Strong 

b. May 13, 1815, d. Nov. 11, 1845 

Married, Oct. 5, 1847 

2d wife, M indwell Woodbridge 

b. March 20, 1815, d. Oct. 3, 1849 

Married, April 22, 1851 

3d wife, Anna Mulford 

b. d. 



JuHa Mariah 

March 12, 1813, d. Sept. 27, 1840 
Married, May 15, 1833 
Theodore B. Hamilton 

March 31, 1810 



Julia Elizabeth 
Jan. 3, 1838, d. July 8, 



James Strons 
b. Dec. 28, 1843 



George I 
b. April 12, 1848, 
Married 

Nellie Pi 



William Strong 
b. Dec. 28, 1843, d. 

A son 
b. Nov. 3, 1845 



Mindwell Woodbridge 
b. Oct. I, 1849, d. April 14, 1851 



Pl-\te II. 



Sophia 

b. June i6. 1789, d. April 24. 1814 

Married, 1810 

Orren E. Gibbs 

b. d. June 27. 1846 



George Augustin 
b. Sept. 13, i8ii 

Married. May 28. 1837 

1st wife. Bertha Strong 

b. May 13, 1815. d. Nov. 11, 1845 

Married. Oct. 5, 1847 

2d wife, M indwell Woodbridfie 

b. March 20, 1815. d. Oct. 3, 1849 

Married, Ajiril 22. 1851 

3d wife, Anna Mulford 

b. d. 



Julia Mariah 

b. March 12. 1813. d. Sept. 27, 1840 
Married, May 15, 1833 
Theodore B. Hamilton 

b. March 31, 1810 



Julia Elizabeth 
b. Jan. 3. 1838. d. July 8. 1838 b A- 

James Strong 
b. Dec. 28, 1843 

William Strong 
b. Dec. 28, 1843. d. b. 

A son 
b. Nov. 3, 1845 b. 



I 



M indwell Woodbridgc 
b. Oct. I, 1849, d. April 14. 1851 



Grorjjr Hen 
;^d 

.Ncihc l^ma 



Guerdon 
d 

Ediih 
d. 



Plate III 



Hannah Paterson 

b. Aug. 24. 1769, d. Jan. 21, 18)3 

Married, Aug. 11. 1785 

Azariah Egleston 
b. Feb. 23, I7S7, d. Jan. 22, i&'2 



Sophia Maria Nancy 

b. March 16. 1789. d. April i, 1789 b. April 21, 1790, d. May 6, 1853 b. Feb. 17. 1792. 

Married 

James Robbins. Aug. 31, 1812 
b. April 19, 1782. d. March 25. 1847 



James 
b. May go. 1813, d. May 9. 1814 

f James 

b. Oct. 3. 1814. d. Mav 6, 1870 

Married, Oct. i. 1838 

Sophia Di-^c 

[b. June 14, 1821, d. Oct. 25. 1856 

Maria | 

b. Nov. 14, 1815. d. 

Married. Oct. 20, 1842 
J. S. Schenck 
b. Feb. 24, 1817 

Ammi 
b. Aug. 28. 1817, d. Nov. 15. 18 

Thomas 
b. Sept. 12. 1820. d. Aug. 17. 18 

George 
b. Sept. 15, 1822. d. 
Married 
Jane CoUin 

Mary 
b. Oct. 24. 1824, d. May 6, 1853 

Edward 
b. Sept. 30. 1828. d. Feb. 13. 1865 

Elizabeth 
b. May i, 1832, d. March 4. 1838 



Mary- 
lb. 17, 1792 b. Sept. 24, 1793, d. Sept. i. 1816 



George Washington 

b. July 17, 1795. d. Dec. 6, 1863 

Married 

i 1st wife, Sophia Heriot, Dec. 13, 1821 

( b. Nov. 12, 1797. d. Nov. 27. 1824 
2d wife, Mrs. Martha Pochec (Du Bose), May 5, 1840 J 
b. d. Sept. 21, 1865 ] 



Sarah Maria 

b. Aug. 18, 1841 

Married, June 25, 1868 

George D. Johnson 

James Egleston 
b. Aug. 9. 1843 



PhiUio Edwards 
b. May i. 1869 



James Le Baron 
b. Aug- 17. 1870 



Anne Charitr 
b. Stpt. 7. 1873 



James P-obhiuis 
b. April 8. 1844. d. Sep 1. 13, 1865 

Joseph S. 
b. April 27, a^6 

Marv Robbin.s 
b. Apr. 25. 1848, d. Apr. 19, 1856 

Elizabeth Le Baron 
b. July 22, 1850 

Edgar 
b. Nov. 15. 1852, d. Aug. 4. 1853 

Ammi Robbins 
b. April 8. 1854 

Maria 
b. Mar. 17, 1857, d. Mar. 19, 1858 



Sarah Herioi 
b. Nov. 10. 1822, d. Sept. 27. 1824 

George Paterson 
b. May i. 1824, d. Aug. 10, 1863 

Thomas Robert 
b. Oct. 7, 1826, d. 

Mariah Elizabeth 
b. Sept. 13, 1828, d. 

Daniel Heriot 
b. Aug. 16, 1830. d. 



Sophia Heriot 
b. March 14, 1841, d. May, 1842 

Du Bose 
b. May 23, 18^3 

Samuel Du B -se 
b. Sept. 28, 1845. d. Sept. 12, 1856 

William Isaac 
b. March 11, 1847, d. Jan. , 1884 

Mary E. Egleson 
b. Aug. 16, 1848, d. D<c. 14, 1893 

Elizabeth 
b. Nov. I, i8itg 



Spencer By.\l>; 
b. April 19. 1841, d. Au;. 28, 1844 

George Frederick 
b. Jan. 18, 1843, d. 

Married 
Hattie Griffin 



b. 



Charlotte ?:iizab'lh 

b. Jan. 18. 184; 

Married, March 12 1865 

Charies Bacon SKwart 

Charles Eglestcn 

b. .Sept. 30, i8^9 

Married. Sept. . 1888 

Haltie Hodgdoi 



Elizabeth 

b. Dec. 22, 1797, d. May 15. i860 

Married, April 27, 1815 

Moses Byxbe 

b. Jan. 30, 1784. d. Jan. 27, i88i 



1 

Thomas Jefferson 

b. Sept. II. 1800, d. July 12. 1861 

Married. April 17. 1828 

Sarah Jesup Stebbins 

b. iJec. s, 1809, d. Sept. 20, 1881 



: W. 



George W. Egleston 
b. March 27, 1817, d. June 6, 18 

Married, June 6, 1849 
Anna C. Sayer 
b. June 10, 1829. d. 

Lucy Ann 

b. Mar. 30, 1818, d. Sept. 30. i8( 

Married 

Andrew H. Patterson 



Mary Elizabeth 

b. June 12, 1821. d. June 13, 1851 

Married, Jan. 15, 1840 

Holdamond Crary 

b. May 31, 1812, d. July 17, 1871 

Charles William 
b. Aug. 23, 1823, d. Jan. 9, i860 



.^.1: 



Thomas Stebbins 
' 26, 1829, d. .'Ipril 3. 1831 

David Stebbins 



Elizabeth Bv.fbe 



Mary Egleston 
b. June 12, 1845, d. April 13, 1862 



Charles By.vbe 
b. Nov. 24, 1846, d. July 19, 1847 



Francis Randall. Jr. 
b. July 9, 1885 



Charles Lanier 
b. Sept. 25. 1886 



Ruth 
. Jan. 10. 



Charies, Jr 
b. Nov. 17, il 



Charles Lanier 
b. Sept. 30, 1882 



Kitty Lanier 
). Feb. 13. 1893 



Elizabeth Lanier 
b. Aug. 19. 1892 



.J«. 



, F. D. 



b. July 25, 1858 

Married, Nov. 24. 1885 

Harriet Arnold Bishop 

b. Oct. 27, 1866 

Sarah Egleston 

b. April 8. 1862, d. April 20, 1893 

Married, Dec. 14, 1881 

Francis Cooper Lawrence, Jr. 

b. Aug. II, 1857 

Fannie 

b. .^ug. 17, 1864 

Married, Oct. 7, 1884 

Francis Randall Appleton 

b. Aug. 5. 1854 

Elizabeth Gardner 

b. Oct. 29, 1870 

Married, June 11, 1891 

George Evans Turnure 

b. Dec. 10, 1866 




Married, Nov. 17, 1858 
Fannie Hawiey 

Thomas 

b. Dec. 9. 1832 

Married, May 2, 1865 

Augusta McVickar 

Theophilus Stebbins 
b. July 18, 1835, d. Nov. 12, 1838 

Sarah Elizabeth 
b. .\ug. 7. 1B37 
Married, Oct. 7, 1857 
Charles Lanier 
b. Jan. 19, 1837 

William CoxKh 

b. June 30, 1839 

Married, Jan. 8. 1863 

EUa Bates 

b. Aug. 22, 1843 

George Washington 

b. Sept. I. 1843 

Married. Sept. 19. 1883 

1st wire. Marv Buchannan NIaclean 

b. Si-pt. 9, 1861. d. Aug. 15, 1889 

Married. Sept. i. 1890 

2d wife. Amy Dorinda Abbott 

b. July 26, 1862 

Henry Paris 

b. April 6, 1848, d. Nov. 19, i886 

Married, Dec. 5, 1882 

Isabella Bissell 

b. Jan. 20, 1863, d. May 3, 1892 



t Thomas 

\b. Oct. 15, 1867, d. Nov. 20, 



Louise g, 

b. Nov. 17, 1863, d. Aug. 14. 1886 

Adelaide „ ,0.^ 

b. Sept. 20, 1867, d. Feb. 18. 1877 



Thomas Buchanan Maclean 
b. Aug. II, 1884 

Harold Paterson 
b. April IS. ^886 

Vivian Hector 
b. Oct. 25, 1888 



I t Sarah Jesup 

\-\ b. Oct. 6, 1885, d. Feb. 8. 1888 



Plate IV. 



A^ 



b. April lo, 1798, d. April 30, 1876 
Married, Oct. , 1832 
Anson Seymour 
b. April 14. 1795, d. 



Ruby Marv 
b. Sept. 25, 1885. d. July 4, 1887 



Arthur P. 
b. Dec. 16, 1856 

Married. July 27, 1880 
Lucy Jane Carter 
b. Aug. 8, 1857 



b. Sept. 



Clarence 
i860 

Mary 



Mary ' 
b. July 29, 1800, d. Deci 
Married, Dec. 10./ ' 
John Peck Oshl 1 
^- 1793. tl- Jaii I' 

George Franklin, 

b. Aug. 4. 1824. d. Sept.} 17. 1 

Married. Sept. 15. J |8 

Josephine Amelia If I s 

b. Sept. 5, 1829, d. July • il 



John Williams 
b. July 23, 1829 

Married, Dec. 20, 5 
Katherine Ann S(, 



( Mary Ann ' j 

I b. March 29. 1828, d. No; 3°' 
" ried. May 15,^^49 



:?! 



b. Feb. 26. 1832. d. Se, 



b. Feb. 20, 1834, 'd. Apjl 

Lucy Jane 
b. May 13. 1836 

Married, Aug. 3, l\ 
H. Wislar Rugg 
b. Nov. :2, 183^ 

( Frederick In 

b. Dec. II. 1838 

Married. Sept. 22 
Ruth Beals 
I, b. Feb. 24. 1848 



1834 
1839 



Franklin Peck 

. March 24, 1850, d. April 24. 1887 

Married. Dec. 25, 1883 

Mary Denney 



Elizabeth Eleanor 
b. June 23, 1852. d. 

Married. Jan. 30. 1871 

Myron Leslie Ba.xter 

b. Jan. 18, 1840. d. 1892 

George F, 
b. March 16. 1856, d. Sept, 18, 1856 



. Oct, 17, 1863 



Janette Josephine 
b. Feb. 5, 1874, d. Sept. 15. 



Married. No 



14. 1797 



1842 



b. .March 18. 1776.' d. Sept. 29, 1866 



b. Oct. 2S. 1803, d. Dec. 11. : 
Married, fan. 2. 1830 
John David Smith 
b. Feb. 10. 1804 



Elizabeth Paterson 
b. Oct, 13. 1833, d. 

Married. Sept. 29, 1856 



Ruth Jane 
b. Sept. 27. 1836 

Ira David 
. Dec. 6. 1838. d. March 13, 1841 

David Seymour 
. March 10, 1841, d. May 17, 1878 

George Osborn ■) 
b. Dec. 9. 1845 
Married. Nov. 27, if 
Eva Baker 



Marlicd. Dec! 20, 1883 
John Reynolds Shelton 

Harold B. 
b. Oct. 2J 1862. d. June 26. 1864 

iHarry Tobev 
b. Aug. i>, i8tj4, d, Oct. 4, 1865 

Edward Brooks 

Robert Seymour 

b. March ^^. 1866, d. Aug. 14, 1866 



b. Sept. 29. 



Ruby .Mary 
b. May 25, 1859 

Married, Oct. 30. 1883 
F. W. Burdick 
b. May 15, 1854 

Charles Seymour 
b. Sept. 13. 1863 

Married. March 2. 1894 
Celestine Salisbury 
b. Aug. 6, 1871 



ria kg 



Maria Fgleston 

, March 3, 1806, d. March 

Married. 1828 

Franklin Belding Hubbard 

). Oct. 21, 1801, d. March I, 1865 



Mary Amelia 
b. Feb. 15. 1829. d. 
Married ist husband. Oct. 2g, i8w 

John H. Mason, 
?; d. April 10. 1833 

Married 2d husband, Ian. it: 18^6 

J.F.Johnson 
b. Nov. 3. 1831 

Charles Franklin 
b. Sept. 30. 1830, d. March 27, 1833 



Frances Maria 
b. Feb. 28, 1834. d. 

Married. Aug 26. li 
\V, A. Bemis 
b. Feb. 26. 1832. d. 



Charles .Alvortl 

b. Apnl II. 1808. d. Nov, 6, 

Married ist wife. fan. i. 1 

Sarah Merrill Brainard 

b. Apiil 10, 1810, d. May 7, 

Married ad wife. 

Eliza Gray Ford 
b. May 13, 1820, d. 



.1877 
836 

i860 



b, Sept. 6, 



Pon 






. Sept. 

Married" Nov, 7. 1862 
Elizabeth McFarland 
May 8. 1843. d. 



Margaret Stewart 
b. June 29. 1841 
Married 1st husband 

John White 



led, Feb. 16, 1864 
Franklin G. Dean 
b June 23. 1832. d. 

( Charles lames 

I b. Jan. 30, 1838. d. Dec. 30. 

- ■; Married. Sept, . 1870 

i Mary Eastbrook 



b. Dec. S3. 1840. d 

. George Robbii 
b, Dec. t6, 1841 
Married 
Jennie A. Pa rso 



[ 
{b. 

John Brain.ird 
b, Aug. 29, 1846. d. March 6, 
Married 
Katherain V'oung 



1873 



Married 
Samuel Ellingli3 



Tra nclden 
b. March , 1810, d. Sept, 



Harriei Elizabeth 
April IS, 1817 



Alvord 
b. April 23, 1865. d. Dec. 31, 



AIek Herbert 
b. Sept. 24, 1875 



Sarah Brainard 
Marshall 



Married, April 3. 1876 
Loella Brooks 
b. May 21, 1854 



Pl.\te V 



John Peirce Paterson 
b. May 5, 1787, d. June 3, 1842 

Married, July 22, 1809 

Sally Osborn 

b. July 22, 1786, d. May , 1847 



5 Ven: 



Frances Venillea 

J, VC ,, tSii. 

Nov. 22. 1832 
(j ; jore Woodbury 

b.Jul) li. iSii. d. April 14. 1873 ) 

Benjamin Franklin 
b. Oct. 15. 1815. d. Feb. 19. 1817 

William Osborn 
b. June 15. 1818. d. July 15, 182c 

John Peck 
b. Dec 15. i8ao. d. June 6, 1882 

Frederick James 
b. Aug. I, 1027 
M 



arried, Aug. 2 1848 
Michal Kenedy 



Frederick James 
b. Oct. 28, 1833 

Married, lune 29, 1856 
Martha Wallen I 
h J 



John Paterson 
b. Aug. 19. 1837 

Married, Sept. 5. 1867, 

1st wife, Emma A. ClarK 

b. Feb. 22, 1847. d- Sept. 7. i 

Married. Dec. 29, 1891 

2d wife. Belle Remick 

b. Dec. 28, 1865 

George Clare 
b. Sept. 10, 1843. d. Jan. ^3. 1863 



Lillah G. 
b. Sept. 7. 1870^^ 

Mabel F. 
b. Aug. 22, i873_ 

ClIrkG. 
b. April 17. if78__ 
John P. 

b. Oct. 9, 1882 ^ 

Emma 
b. Jan. 10, 1883 




Frank 

b. June 13, 1857 

Married, Sept, 4, 18 

Belle Ralls 

b. Jan. 31. 1857 

Ida Bell 
b.Dec.i5,i857,d.July2M^ 

George 
b. May 8, 1865 

Georgian a 

\Vilham B. Wildman 
b. April 7, 1867 



Frances V. 
b. June 22, 1879 

Frederick R. 
b May 23,1881 

Greenleaf M. 
b. Mar. 8, 1886 

Walter 
b. Feb. 13, 1892 



""L 



Martha Marie 
b. Feb. 3. 1889 

Karl W. 
b. Aug. 3. 1892 



Bertram Paterson 
b. Oct. 25, 1890 

George F. 
b. March 9, 1892 



Edna M. 
b. April 5, 1891 



Frederick 

b. Aug. I, 1829 

Married, June 17, 1858 
Christina Hendrickson 

b. July 25, 1840, d. 

Charles 
h. May g, 1859, d Oct. 24, 1861 

John A. 
b. Jan. 30, 1861 

George S. 
b. Nov. 25, 1863 

Married, Sept. 1889 
Rosamund Ward 
b. July 9, 1869 

f Frances A. 

b. June 28, 1865 
._] Married, Oct. 25, 1889 

I Richard G. Hargrave 

[ b. July 14. 1866 

(Jennie M. 
h Feb i^, 1869 
Married, March S. 1890 
William B. Messenger 
b. Nov. 18, i860 

Anna 
b. Feb. 1. 1872. d. July 3. '873 

Ethel 
b. Nov. 11, 1^*79 



Mary 

b. April 14, 1792, d. Sept. 15, 1869 

Married, Jan. 16, 1811 

Joseph Stanley 

b. Oct. 23, 1784, d. March 20, 1867 



b. June 26, 179; 



Charles H. 
b. Nl •. 8, 1844 
1 ^arried 



C ""=:e Washington 
b. Feb. 2, 

Marri; 

StCiia t ^\cf 

Thomas Erastus 
b. June 27, 1850 



Frederick William 
b. April 10, 1852 



Joseph Stanley 
b. Oct. 6, 1855 
Married 

Elsie Sichery 



Clarence Bennett 
b. March 26, 1847, d. 



John E. Paterson 
b. June 20, 1853 

Married, Jan. 4, 1882 
Mary K. Thompson 
b. d. 



Myron H. 
b. July 25, 1858, d. 

Married, Nov. 25, 1890 
Katherain Hartiean 



Marian W, 
b. July 25, 1858, d. 



Clarissa 
b. Nov. 17, 1811, d. 

Married, Dec. 31, 1845 

Isaac Sines 

b. June 18, 1798, d. July 11, 1876 

Ehza Maria 
b. March 14, 1814, d. 

Married, Jan. 29, 1844 
John Morton 
b. May 15, 1815, d. 

Charles Seymour 

b. Sept. 9, 1815, d. March 14, 1890 

Married, June 4, 1846 

Sarah H. Bennet 

b. Aug. 10, 1822, d. Jan. 13, 1881 

Harriet 
b. Nov. 8, 1817, d. 

Married, June 8, 1847 

Ezekiel Clark 

b. Nov. 20, 1804, d. Dec. 28, 1876 



Roxana 
b. April 10, 1823, d. 

Married, Jan. i, 1857 
Russell C. Bates 
b. Oct. 8, 1826, d. Aug. 3, if 



Sophia 
b. April 16, 1825, d. June 4, 1825 

Thomas 

b. Oct. 16, 1827, d. May 6, 1886 

Married, Oct. 17, 1852 

Sarah Elizabeth Williams 

b. Jan. 10, 1832, d. 

Lucy 
b. April 26, 1837, d. 

Married, July 7, 1880 
A. B. Kinne 
b. Dec. 28, 1813 



b. April I, 184! 



b. May 26, 18^ 

Married, ; 

James 

b. May'6, 183; 

Free 

b. March 26, 

Married, 

Jessi 

b. July 21, i8( 



M 



b. May 9, i£ 




Elizabi 
'■ J™^ ^3, 1796, 4, ,8£3 
II 



Married, sin; ^^- "' 1882 

^■^P"l7, i8ofd ?)P'-etTaft 

^ Married fan r '"'• 9. 1839 

2d wife Lo ,ii 1; /5. 1846 -^^ 




"■ o«.t,1Sf «- 



Pl-\te VI. 



Maria Paierson 

b. Feb. 9, 1790, d. April 23, 1865 

Married, April 10. 1808 

Samuel Kilborn 

b. Xov. 27, 1783, d. Jan. 31, 1862 



Lucien K. 

b. Mar. 25. 1811, d. Sept. 3. 1849 

Married, Xov. 30, 1834 

Rhoda Ann Ball 

b. May i, 1812 



Eliza 

b. Feb. 27, 1838 

Married, Dec. 28. 1864 

1st husband, T. D. Toan 

b. Sept. 9, 1837. d. Feb. 28. iS; 

Slarried, Dec. 19, 1879 

2d husband. David King 

b. June 27, 1827. d. Oct. 27. 18 

Marie Paterson 
b. April 3, 1843 

Jennette 

b. Feb. 27, 1845 

Married, Sept. 3. 1872 

Elihu T. Davis 

b. May 27, 1843 

Lucien Sedg\vick 1 
b. Nov. 27, 1849 ( _ 
Married, Aug. 6, 1872 ( 



David K. 

b. July 14, 1813, d. Nov. 13. 1864 

Married. Nov, 21, 1836 

Harriet E. Ball 

b. Mar. 3, 1814, d. 



Sophia 
b. April 2, 1815, d. May 8, 1830 



Nancy Maria 

b. May 14. 1817, d. Nov. 9, 1846 

Married, Dec. 28, 1842 

Henry M. Hascall 

b, d. 



Frederick 

d. July 5, 18 



George 
b. Aug. 24, 1819, d. July 29, 18 



»^'"'' ^ John Paterson S 

848 b. May 19, 182*. d. Oct. 10, 1858 b. April 6, 1825, d. June 23, 1847 b. May 5, 18 



Fannie L. Duncan 



L. Duncan 
b. May 26. 1873 

Cora May 
b. Aug. 7, 1877 

Grace Davis 
b. Sept. 10, 1879 

Robert F. 
b. Aug. 10. 1886 

Reeve Paterson 
b. July 8. 1890, d. Aug. 16, 1891 



, d April 21, 1830 b. Oct. 31, 1830, d. April 14, 1851 



r 



Josiah Lee Paterson 
b. Oct. II. 1766, d. March 12, 1846 

Married Jan. 3, 1788 

Clarissa Hyde 

b. April 27, 1767. d. April 16, 1837 



Mary „, 

b. April 14. iW.d-S|ptJ5. 1869 

Married, Jan. 16. 18" 

loseph Stanley 

b.Oct.23.i784.d.^'»'-'=h^°'^=^ 



Ha4 
b. June 26, 1794. 



Charles H. 
b. N -.8, 1844 
/amed 



St<..ia t "" 

Thomas Erastu- 
b. June 27, 1850 

Frederick WiUiam 
b. April 10, 1852 

Joseph Stanley 
b. Oct. 6, 1855 
Married 

Elsie Sichery 



Clarence Bennett 
b. March 26, 1847, d. 

John E. Paterson 
b. Jtine 20. 1853 

Married. Jan. 4. 1882 
Mary K. Thompson 



Myron H. 
b. July 25, 1858. d. 

Married. Nov. 25. 1890 
Katherain Hartigan 

Marian W. 
b. July 25. 1858, d. 



Clarissa 
b Nov. 17. 1811. d. , 

1 Married, Dec. 31, i»43 

I Isaac Sines 

I b. June 18, 1798^ J"l>'"'^^'^^ 

,- Eliza Maria 

b. March 14. x8i4. d. 
J Married. Jan. 29, 18+4 

I John Morton 

[ b. May 15. 1815. d. 

r Charles Seymour 

b Sept 9. 1815. d. March 14, 1890 

1 Sarah H. Bennet 

[ b. Aug. 10. 1822^ Jan. 13. 1881 

Harriet 1 

b. Nov. 8, 1817. d. [ 

Married, June 8 1847 

Ezekiel Clark „ . , 
, b. Nov. 20, 1804^ Dec. 28, 1876 j 

1 Roxana 

I b. April 10. 1823, d. 

Married, Jan. i, i8:)7 

Russell C. Bates 

b. Oct. 8. 1826^ Aug. 3. 18' 

Sophia 
^' b. April 16, 1825. d. June 4. 1823 

Thomas 

b. Oct. 16, 1827. d. Mav 6 1886 

Married, Oct. 17...1852 

Sarah Elizabeth W ilhams 

b. Jan. 10, 1832. d. 

Lucy 
b. April 26, 1837. d^ 

Married. July ?■ 1880 
A. B. Kinne 
b. Dec. 28, 1813 



Elizabeth 
b. June 13, 1796, d. Dec. 18, 1842 



Ada E. 
b. April I, 1848, d. Apij 

Ella H. 

1 b. May 26, 1852, d. 

I Married, Sept, 2S.I 

I James H. Kclld 

b. May 6, i837^Dert 

i Frederick P.J 

b. March 26. 1849. d. 

Married. Jan. i|; 

Jessie M Hil^ 

b. July 21. 1862, d. 



Mary L. 
b. May 9, i860, d. 



Harriet 
b. May 13, 1798, d. 

Married, March 20. 1825 
James Sheldon 
b. April 19, 1800, d. 



Louisa 
b. June 24, 1826 

Married, Nov. 24, 1847 
Alfred Augevine 
b. Nov. 9, 1817 

James Walworth 
b. April 25, 1830 

Married, Jan. 20, 1856 
Mary Eleanor Peabody 
b. Jan. 8, 1832 

Frederick William 
b. Oct. 7, 1833 



Elizabeth Sophia 

b. Sept. 6, 1835 

Married, Nov. 27, 1855 
Theodore F. Gilleland 

b. Jan. 16, 1834 

Charles 
b. July 23, 1838, d. Dec. 8, 1844 



b. Sept. 20, 1849 



Eugenia 
b. March 28, 1851 



Mary Cordelia 
b. May 15, 1856 



John Egleston 

b. March 17, 1800, d. March 17, 1870 

Married, Feb. i, 1827 

ist wife, Elizabeth Sheldon 

b. Nov. s, 1805, d. Dec. 10, 1828 

Married, i860 

2d wife, Nancy Chittenden 



Chas. Vars 
b. Aug. 16, 1888, d. 



Thomas Jefferson 
b. April 10, 1804. d. Feb. 12, 



Emma Edna 
b. June 25, 1857 



Emma Edna 
b. June 21, 1857 



b. Jan. 4, 1841 



Lucius A. 
b. March 31, 1890, d. 



Geortje Way 
b, Dec. 13, i'^888. d. 



Frank I^ester 
b. Aug. 28. 1890, d. 



I 



( George Austin 

b. May 18, 1854, d. 
i Married, Aug. 13, i8£ 

Mary Bovd 
[b. Feb. 15, 1836, d. 

f Charles Dennison 

b. Sept. 13, 1856, d. 
i Married, Nov. 11, 188 

-Alice Way 
l,b. Dec. 5, 1856 

Mary E. 
b. Nov. 7, 1862, d. 



,\ 



George Washington 

b. Jan. 21, 1807, d. Dec. 31. 1BI2 

Married, Sept. 15, 1831 

Esther Atchinson 

b. April 21, 1809, d. May 31, 18B0 

Julia 
b. Sept. 21, 1832, 

Married, Dec. 24, 1851 
Noyes Williams 
b. Nov. 27. 1829 

Frances E. 
b. Nov. 27, 1834, d. Oct. 10, iSaif 
Married 
James Sanderbeck ■ I 
b. 1834, d. July 24, 1865 

Charles H. 
b. Feb. 14, 1836, d. Dec. 18^ 1838 



b.Ju 



Edward A. 
! 8, 1839, d. Jan. lo.j 



( Lett e E. 

I b. Jan. 15, 1861, d. 
•< Married, Jan. , 1882 

Ezra Slade 
I b. d. July 18, 18 



Frederick William 

b. June 10, 1809, d. Feb. n, 1S82 

NIarried, Sept. 15, 1834 

1st wife, Louisa Margaret Taft 

b. April 7, 1801, d. Dec. 9, 1839 

Married, Jan. 15, 1846 

2d wife, Louisa Mariah Peck 

b. May 6, 1820, d. /-f , -r 



Lewis Augustus 
b. Oct. 10, 183s 




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